The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/I. Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh
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Sir H. M. Elliot, Edited by John Dowson, 1867, Volume I
Contents
Introduction to Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh
[p.100]: A PORTION of this most interesting unique work was published by M. Reinaud, in his Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatif à l Inde, from the MS. numbered 62 in the Bibliothèque du Roi at Paris. The MS. has been described in the Journal Asiatique at different times, by M. Quatremère and M. Mohl, and it had been previously drawn upon by Anquetil Duperron and Silvestre de Sacy.
The chapter published by M. Reinaud, with which we are here concerned, was not written by the author of the Mujmal himself, but was borrowed by him from an older work, of which he thus speaks,-"I have seen an ancient book of the Hindus which Abú Sálih bin Shu'aib bin Jámi' translated into Arabic from the Hindwání language (Sanskrit). This work was translated into Persian in 417 A.H. (1026 A.D.) by Abú-l Hasan 'Ali bin Muhammad al Jílí,1 keeper of the library at Jurján for a chief of the Dílamites. The book I saw was in the handwriting of the author, and bore the date above given. It is the
[p.101]: custom of the Hindu writers on philosophy to put speeches into the mouths of beasts and birds, as in the book Kalíla wa Dimna, and accordingly many such speeches are introduced into this book. I have here introduced the (account of the) origin of the kings and a short history of them, and I have copied it because it is not to be found anywhere else-but God knows."
The date of the original Arabic translation does not appear; it may or may not have been written before the work of Biládurí, but the "extracts" relate to an ancient period, and more especially to Sind, so that they come in most appropriately here at the beginning of the historical writings. The date of the Persian translation, and still more that of the Mujmal, would carry them onward to a later and less suitable position.
M. Reinaud is of opinion that the translated Sanskrit work was composed about the commencement of the Christian era, certainly long previous to the Rája Taranginí, and probably to the Mahá-bhárata; and that the subsequent reputation of that poem threw the translated work into the shade. If so, it would go far to show that the Mahá-bhárata is, as Wolfe and Heyne say of the Iliad, a collection of older poems already current; for there are many passages in Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh which are almost verbatim the same as they are at present preserved in the Mahá-bhárata. Indeed, it might be said that the Mahá-bhárata was itself the work translated by the Arab, had not animals been represented as the speakers.
The learned Editor also thinks he has discovered in this extract indications of the Bráhmanical influence being established over the Kshatriyas, at an epoch subsequent to the war between the Pándavas and Kauravas. The inference, however, rests upon very questionable grounds, so questionable, indeed, that we are tempted to exclaim, as the pious Persian translator does at the end of each Indian fable recorded by him, "God only knows the truth!"
The author of the "Mujmalu-t Tawáríkh," says that his
[p.102]: father was the compiler of an historical work, and that he himself had written a history of the Barmekides from their origin to their extinction. M. Quatremère and M. Mohl say that his name is unknown, and give his pedigree as grandson of Muhallib bin Muhammad bin Shádí. He was a traveller; for he tells us that he had visited the tombs of Daniel, Ezekiel, and Jonas, and certain ancient buildings in Persia and Babylonia. He informs us that he commenced his book A.H. 520 (A.D. 1126), during the reign of Sanjar, son of Malik Sháh, Sultán of the Saljúkís, but he must have lived long after this, for he records an event of A.H. 589 (A.D. 1193.)
His work is a chronological abridgment of universal history to the sixth century of the Hijrí. He quotes several rare authorities and makes a critical use of them. The topic on which he appears to have exercised most of his researches is the history of Persia, on which subject he promises to write hereafter a more detailed account. He gives many curious and circumstantial details on geography, derived not only from books, but from his own personal observation.
The Persian translation, which he quotes from Abú-l Hasan, is badly executed, being much too literal, and without any pretensions to style; and the same neglect of the most ordinary grace and embellishment has been observed in the author's own composition, in the portions which are original.
The authorities he quotes are the history of Tabarí, the Sháh-náma, Garshasp-náma, Farámarz-náma, Bahman-náma, Kúshpíl-dandán, Abú-l Muayyid Balkhí, Hamza Isfahání, and some others. He says that he quotes these in original, although they will be found to agree but little with one another, in order that his readers may know all that has been said upon the subjects he discusses; that he abridges their prolixities, and discards their quotations in verse; that if ever he quotes poetry, it is on account of its intrinsic excellence, or its peculiar adaptation to the subject he had to illustrate.
"The transactions of the kings of Persia," he continues,
[p.103]: "are the only ones which I propose to recount at length, because that country is placed in the centre of the universe, because it forms one quarter of the habitable globe, because it is the cradle of the human race, because it is the residence of the kings of the fourth climate, because other portions of the globe, such as China, India, Zanj, Arabia, Greece, and Turkistan are not to be compared to Írán, nor is any other country, whether east, west, north, or south,-because, moreover, in reading the history of Persia, any one can at the same time instruct himself respecting the state, position, peculiarities and marvels of other countries."
This work, therefore, as far as it goes, may be considered an introduction to the History of Persia, and that the author completed the entire work cannot be doubted, because he constantly alludes to the details which he has given in the subsequent part. The discovery of the complete work would be a matter of congratulation. It was at one time the intention of M.M. Saint Martin and J. Mohl to publish the Mujmal with a commentary, and there is great cause to regret that the death of the former interrupted the project.
The work, as at present preserved, consists of twenty-five chapters, of which many comprise merely chronological tables, such as those of the Prophets, kings of Rúm, Arabs, Sámánides, Buwaihides, Ghaznivides, Saljúkians, and Greeks, but enters into more particulars respecting the Hindú kings of India, the ancient kings of Persia, Muhammad, and the Khalifs, celebrated tombs, and Muhammadan cities. Without the last chapter, which is missing, the Manuscript contains 305 folios.1
History of the Jats and Meds
As an account of the Jats and Meds is given in the first part of the original work, I shall commence mine by making them the subject of it.
[p.104]: The Jats and Meds1 are, it is said, descendants of Ham. They dwelt in Sind and (on the banks of) the river which is called Bahar. By the Arabs the Hindús are called Jats. The Meds held the ascendancy over the Jats, and put them to great distress, which compelled them to take refuge on the other side of the river Pahan, but being accustomed to the use of boats, they used to cross the river and make attacks on the Meds, who were owners of sheep. It so came to pass that the Jats enfeebled the Meds, killed many of them, and plundered their country. The Meds then became subject to the Jats.
One of the Jat chiefs (seeing the sad state to which the Meds were reduced) made the people of his tribe understand that success was not constant; that there was a time when the Meds attacked the Jats, and harassed them, and that the Jats had in their turn done the same with the Meds. He impressed upon their minds the utility of both tribes living in peace, and then advised the Jats and Meds to send a few chiefs to wait on king Dajúshan (Duryodhana), son of Dahrát (Dhritaráshtra), and beg of him to appoint a king, to whose authority both tribes might submit. The result of this was satisfactory, and his proposition was adopted. After some discussion they agreed to act upon it, and the emperor Dajúshan nominated his sister Dassál (Duhsalá), wife of king Jandrát (Jayadratha), a powerful prince, to rule over the Jats and Meds. Dassal went and took charge of the country and cities, the particulars of which and of the wisdom of the princess, are detailed in the original work. But for all its greatness, and riches and dignity, there was no bráh-man or wise man in the country. She therefore wrote a long letter to her brother for assistance, who collected 30,000 bráhmans from all Hindústán, and sent them, with all their goods and dependents, to his sister. There are several discussions and stories about these bráhmans in the original work.
A long time passed before Sind became flourishing. The original work gives a long description of the country, its rivers and wonders, and mentions the foundation of cities. The city which the queen made the capital, is called Askaland.2 A small portion of the
[p.105]: country she made over to the Jats, and appointed one of them as their chief; his name was Júdrat. Similar arrangements were also made for the Meds. This government continued for twenty and some1 years, after which the Bhárats lost possession of the country.
Account Of The Fall Of The Pándavas And History Of Brahmín.2
Injustice was the cause of the fall of the dynasty of the Pándavas. Fortune had grown indifferent towards them, and they ended by becoming tyrants. One day they carried off the cow of a brahman, and were about to kill him, when the brahman warned them, and said, "I have read in books that the prosperity of the Pándavas will fall when they shall kill a brahman for the sake of a cow-do not kill me." They did not heed him, but killed both him and the cow. That brahman had a son named Brahmín, a strong and tall man, who dwelt upon a mountain. When he heard of this nefarious business he arose, and said to himself, I will go and take away the sovereignty from the Pándavas, for they have killed a cow, (and) a brahman: the words of the sages cannot prove false, so the time of the fall of their dominion is come. Men laughed at him, but a party assembled round him. He took a city, and his power increased day by day, until he had a large army; and he went on capturing cities until at length he reached the city of Hatná,3 which was the capital. Kúyáhúrat marched out to the battle, but was slain, and Brahmín assumed the sovereignty. Wherever he found any one of the race of the Pándavas he slew him. But a few escaped, who concealed their extraction, and employed themselves as butchers and bakers, or in similar crafts. Brahmín acquired the whole of Hindústán. They say that a daughter of Bol (Nakula), son of Pandu, went to him, and gave him such counsels as induced him to desist from slaying the Pándavas. But he put them all in prison until a large number was collected, when as a condition of
[p.106]: their deliverance1 he made them follow certain trades, so that no one would give their daughters to them, or take theirs, or associate with them. He proclaimed this throughout his dominions. Their position was lowered to such a degree, that they took to the occupation of musicians. It is said that the Hindu lute players belong to this family; but God knows.
History of Sunágh.
They say that Brahmín felt remorse for the slaughter of so many persons, and said, I substitute worship on the summit of a mountain for the slaughter of men. One day a brahman named Fásaf (Kasyapa) came to him and admonished him. Brahmín said, It is even so; I myself repent, and I will now give this kingdom to thee. Fásaf said, It is no business of mine; but Brahmín replied, Do thou receive it from me, and appoint some one over it by thy own authority. There was a servant named Sunágh, and him Fásaf seated on the throne. Brahmín then returned to the scene of his devotions. Sunágh practised justice and equity, and pursued a worthy course. The sovereignty remained in his family until fifteen kings had sat upon the throne. Then they became tyrants, and the sovereignty departed from them. This was in the reign of Gustásf, king of Persia. It is said that in the life-time of this Gustásf, Bahman led an army to Hindústán and took a portion of it; as to the other parts every one (that could) seized a corner. No one of the family (of Sunágh) retained any power. Bahman founded a city between the confines of the Hindús and the Turks, to which he gave the name of Kandábíl, and in another place, which they call Budha, he founded a city which he called Bahman-ábád. According to one account this is Mansúra; but God knows. At this time he returned to Persia, when he received the news of the death of Gustásf, and assumed the crown. This account I found in this book, but I have not read it elsewhere. The mother of Bahman is said to have been of Turk extraction; but God knows.
History of The Kingdom of Kashmír And Hál
It is said that Hál was the descendant of Sanjwára, son of Jandrat and of the
[p.107]: daughter of King Dahrát. He inherited in Hindústán the dominion which had been occupied by Jandrat and Dassal and their descendants. He became a very important personage, and built a fine capital and several cities. His country was remarkable for the superior quality of the cloth that was manufactured there. The exportation of this fabric, without the stamp of the king, was prohibited. This stamp was an impression of his foot with saffron.1
It happened that the wife of the king of Kashmír bought some of that cloth, and having made up a dress of the same, she appeared before her husband, who at the sight of the stamp got jealous, and asked her whence she got the cloth, and what stamp was on it. His wife replied that she had bought it from a merchant. The merchant was sent for, and the king made enquiries about it. The merchant said that the stamp on the cloth was an impression of king Hál's foot.2 On hearing this the king of Kashmír swore he would go and cut off the foot of king Hál. His Wazír observed,- "that place is the land of the brahmans, you will gain no victory there." The king of Kashmír did not heed this advice, but marched out with his army. When Hál heard of the king of Kashmír's intentions, he was alarmed; he sent information to the bráhmans and told them the king of Kashmír's threat, and said it behoved them therefore to throw obstacles in his way. The bráhmans offered up their prayers, and counselled him to have an elephant made of clay, and to have it placed in front of the battle-field. Hál did so, and when the king of Kashmír's soldiers advanced under their commander-in-chief, flames burst from the elephant and burnt many of them.
The king of Kashmír was then compelled to sue for peace, (at the conclusion of which,) Hál sent many presents to him. And the king of Kashmír, in order to fulfil his oath, cut off the leg of an image made of wax, and returned by the river.3 He was advised
[p.108]: not to proceed by water on account of its turbulence. In compliance with this advice he travelled along the bank (sáhil) until he reached a stage some parasangs distant from the country of Kashmír, when the waters subsided.1 In that place he built many houses and villages. The sea in Hindí is called Sávandar2 (Samu-dra). Hence that place was called Sávandí, and it exists to this day. He also built temples and superb cities in many places. At length, intelligence of an enemy came to him from Kashmír, he then returned to his country, and suppressed his foes. The Government remained for a length of time in the hands of his descendants, and all the Hindús were obedient to them. In the country of Sind there were three kings, until at length the territory of the Hindús came under the authority of King Kafand, after he had by his valour subdued them. A bráhman had blessed him and said that the whole sovereignty should devolve upon him.
History Of King Kafand3
This Kafand was not a Hindú, but through his kindly disposition and equity all became obedient to him. He made fine speeches and praised the Hindús and their country. He raised their hopes by his virtues, and realised them by his deeds. He was cotemporary4 with Alexander the Greek. He had visions, of which he asked the interpretation from a brahman, and he sought peace from Alexander, to whom he sent his daughter, a skilful physician, a philosopher, and a glass vase.5 In the Sháh-náma he is called Kaid the Hindú. This story will also be related
p.109]: in the life of Alexander. When the information of the brahman reached the Hindús,1 Kafand sent a person to Sámíd, his brother, directing him to go to Mansúra with the brahman, and expel Mahra2 the Persian from those places which Bahman had conquered, and to erect idol temples in place of fire-temples. Sámíd called (to his assistance) Hál, king of Hindústán, and they marched against Mahra the Persian, and warred with him until he fled into the city. For three years Mahra remained in the fortress, but when no prospect of success was left he ordered a tunnel to be dug, and they carried this (subterraneous passage) to a place called Kiyátasa. He then ordered posts to be fixed in the ground on the top of the fortress, and arms and helmets to be placed upon them, so that they looked like sentries. He then retired with the whole of his force through the tunnel, and marched towards the Turks, whose king gave him refuge. After some days crows perched upon the helmets, and the soldiers of Sámíd perceiving this the truth was made known. The gates were then opened, and the people of the city described the departure of Mahra the Persian. So after the lapse of some years Sámíd returned victorious to his own country. Alexander came to India after this transaction.
After Kafand had departed his son Ayand ascended the throne, and he divided the country of Sind into four parts. One king he established at 'Askalandúsa.3 Upon another he bestowed the country of Zor to which Anj (Uch?) is attached. Three other countries of the kingdom of Sáníd [Sámíd] he bestowed upon another.4
[p.110]: Fourthly, he consigned the countries of Hindústán, Nadama, and Lohána separately upon another. This was after the time of Hál.1 When the life of Ayand reached its limit, his son Rásal became king. He reigned for some time, until one rose up against him and expelled him from the kingdom. Rásal (then) went southwards, and established himself there. He had two sons, one named Rawwál, and the younger Barkamárís.
History of Rawwál and Barkamárís
When Rásal died his eldest son Rawwál assumed the sovereignty. It happened that a certain king had a daughter of great intelligence. Wise and learned men had declared that the man who should marry this girl should become king of the four climes.2 All the kings and princes of the Hindus sought her, but no one pleased her except Barkamárís, who was very handsome. When Barkamárís brought her home his brother said, as she pleased you so does she please me. Then he took the girl with her handmaids. Barkamárís said to himself "The damsel chose me for my wisdom and there is nothing better than wisdom." So he gave himself up to study, and associated with the learned and the brahmans, till he reached such perfection that he had no equal.
When the rebel who had expelled their father (Rásal) heard the story of the damsel, he said "Can they who do such things occupy such a position?" So he led an army and put Rawwál to flight. Rawwál with his brothers and nobles all went to the top of a mountain where a strong fortress had been built. Then they set guards on the summit and felt secure. But the enemy got possession of the mountain by stratagem, and besieged the fort, and was near upon taking it. Rawwál then sent to sue for peace, and his enemy said- "Send me the girl, and let every one of your chiefs send a girl. I will give these girls to my officers,-then I will withdraw." Rawwál was dejected, but he had a wazír, blind of both eyes, named Safar, of whom he enquired what was to be done. He advised him to give up the women and save his life. He might then take measures against his enemy, but if he lost his life what would be the good of children and wife, and riches. They resolved upon this course, but just at this juncture, Barkamárís came in, and after making his salutation, said, "I and the king are sons of the same father; if he will acquaint me with his opinion, it may be that I may be able to suggest something,-do not take my youth into consideration." So they informed him of the facts. He then said, "It seems proper that I should stake my life for the king: let an order be given for me to be dressed like a woman, and let all the officers dress their sons in like manner as damsels, and let us each conceal a knife in our hair, and carry a trumpet also concealed; then send us to the king. When we are brought before the king they will tell him that I am the damsel, he will keep me for himself and give the others to his officers. When the king retires with me I will rip up his belly with the knife and sound the trumpet. When the other youths hear this they will know that I have done my work, and they must also do theirs. All the officers of the army will thus be slain. You must be prepared, and when you hear the trumpet, you must sally forth with your soldiers and we will exterminate the foe." Rawwál was delighted and did as was proposed. It succeeded, not one of the enemy's horsemen escaped, all were slain and cast down from the mountain. Rawwál's power increased.
The Wazír excites the king's suspicions against Barkamárís, who feigns madness.
One day in the hot season, Barkamárís was wandering barefoot about the city, and came to the gate of the king's palace. Meeting no hindrance he entered, and found his brother and the damsel sitting on a throne sucking sugar cane. When Rawwál saw him he observed that there could be no porters at the gate, otherwise the poor mendicant would never have got in. Taking pity on him, he gave him a bit of sugar cane. The mendicant took it, and picked up a piece of the shell of the cane to scrape and clean it with. When the king saw that he wanted to clean the cane, he told the damsel to give him a knife. She rose and gave the knife to Barkamárís, who cleaned the sugar cane with it, and craftily watched until the king was off his guard. Then he sprung upon him, and plunging the knife into his navel, ripped him up. After that he seized his feet
[p.112]: and dragged him from the throne. He next called the wazír and the people, and seated himself on the throne amid the plaudits of the people. He burnt the body of the king, took back the damsel and married her, and restored order.
Then he called the wazír and said "I know that it was you who counselled my brother in his dealings with me, but this was no fault nor is it blameable. It was God's will that I should be king, so continue to govern the kingdom as you did for my brother." Safar replied, "You have spoken the truth, all that I did was for the good and advantage of your brother, not out of enmity to you. But I have now resolved upon burning myself, and cannot do as you desire. I was with your brother in life, and I will be with him in death." Barkamárís told him that he wanted him to write a book on the duties of kings, on government and justice. Safar consented, and wrote the book, which is called "Adabu-l Mulúk," "Instruction of Kings." I have1 transcribed it in this book, for I have written an abstract of it. When it was finished he took it to Barkamárís and read it, and all the nobles admired and praised it. Then he burnt himself. The power of Barkamárís and his kingdom spread, until at length all India submitted to him. Such was Barkamárís. I have related all the facts just as I found them.