The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/VII. Tarkhán-náma or Arghún-náma
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Sir H. M. Elliot, Edited by John Dowson, 1867, Volume I
Introduction
[p.300]: THESE two are different names of the same work, of which the author is Saiyid Jamál, son of Mír Jalálu-d dín Husainí Shírází, who composed his work in the year H. 1065 (1654-5 A.D.), as we learn from a casual notice in the genealogical tree, to be hereafter mentioned. The work is named after the Moghal families of Arghún and Tarkhán respectively, whose origin will be further noticed in the Appendix. The Arghún-náma is mentioned in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám as if it were a separate work, but there is nothing on the Arghúns in the latter history which is not derived from sources at present extant and available. I could find no trace of such a history in Sind, and I was told by several people in that province, that the work under consideration was the only one known as the Arghún-náma. As it treats with sufficient copiousness upon the Arghún history, as will be seen in the translated extract, there is no impropriety in giving it this assumed name, but it is obvious that the author himself styled it Tarkhán-namá only, in compliment to his patron Mirzá Muhammad Sálih, who was of the Tarkhán family.
There appears to have been at one time a history of that family of older date than this, because Saiyid Jamál informs us, that the Mirzá, being most anxious to acquaint himself with the genealogy and history of the Moghal tribes, and especially of his own ancestors, in order that he might learn precisely from what particular chief he was descended, commissioned our author to send him the book called Tarkhán-náma. This zealous indi-
[p.301]: vidual, not being able, notwithstanding all his enquiries, to find any book of this name, determined to compose one himself to supply the deficiency, and for this purpose examined and extracted from Tabarí, the Rauzatu-s Safá, the Zafar-náma, the Taríkh-i Humáyúní, the Akbar-náma, the Nigáristán, the Táríkh-i Táhirí, the Muntakhab-i be-badal Yúsufí, the Táríkh-i Guzída, the Majma'u-l Ansáb, and others. And so having traced the progenitorship of the Tarkháns up to the Patriarch Noah, he completed what he styles his Tarkhán-náma.
In this enumeration of authorities we have another flagrant instance of that offensive suppression of the truth which so often excites our indignation in the Indian historians. The work to which Saiyid Jamál is most indebted is Mír M'asúm's Táríkh-i Sind, from which he has extracted and abridged, but with many omissions,1 the whole history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, from the rise of Sháh Beg, to the close of the independence of Sind under Jání Beg, and to which he is indebted even for the selection of whole sentences, as well as the frame of the narrative; and yet Mír M'asúm's name is nowhere mentioned, except where his grandfather Saíyid Mír Kalán (p. 96) is incidentally brought upon the stage.
From some of the works quoted he has of course borrowed his Turkish genealogy, but even there his obligations seem to have been confined to the Rauzata-s Safá, the Zafar-náma , and the Majma'u-l Ansáb, which three works would have been sufficient to afford him all the information with which we are favoured on that subjeet. The Táríkh-i Táhirí, which is the only local history which he quotes, is, with strange inconsistency, not followed either for facts or dates.
Mírzá Muhammad Sálih, who is represented to have been endowed with every excellence, personal and intellectual, was the son of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, grandson of the more celebrated holder of the same name, who founded the Tarkhán dynasty of Sind.
[p.302]: Mirzá 'Ísá, the younger, was introduced to Akbar in 1012 H., and was treated by him and his successor, Jahángír, with distinguished consideration. As his independence of all favour and patronage, except that bestowed by the Emperor himself, rendered him obnoxious to the nobles about the Court, they managed that he should receive only those jágírs in which the turbulence of the inhabitants made the collection of revenue difficult;1 but his bravery and good conduct defeated all these machinations, and he triumphed over the jealous opposition of of his enemies.
By an early acknowledgment of Sháh Jahán as Emperor, and his proclamation of him in the 'Idgáh of Ahmadábád, in which he anticipated the other more tardy nobles of Guzerát, where his jágír was then situated, he met with a distinguished reception from the new monarch, to whom he went to pay his respects on the banks of the Mahi. He was shortly afterwards preferred to the Súbadárí of Thatta, where he was directed to seize the person of Sharíru-l Mulk at all hazards. Having succeeded in sending this gallant but obnoxious individual a prisoner to the Imperial Court, he received the honour of a Naubat, a lac of rupees in cash, and the increase of 1000 to his personal rank. He obtained subsequently the Súbadárí of Guzerát, and died full of years and titles at the advanced age of ninety-five, in the year 1061 H. (1651 A.D.), four years previous to the composition of this work.
Mirzá Muhammad Sálih succeeded to some portion of the honours of his father, and the other members of the family had each a separate provision assigned to them by the royal munificence.
The Tarkhán-náma, after a preface of three pages, opens with a genealogical tree from Noah to Muhammad Sálih, extending through twenty-eight pages. We then have an abstract history of the Kháns of Turkistan, and of Changíz Khán, and his descendants
[p.303[: who ruled in Írán, in forty pages; the history of the Arghúns in twenty-three pages; of the Tarkháns in thirty-three pages; concluding with the death of Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán above¬mentioned. Altogether, 127 pages 4to. (12 × 9 inches) of 17 lines each. The style is elegant, but, from a comparison with the original authorities, it will appear that its best graces are borrowed. Like other local histories of Sind, it is rare out of that province.
The Arghún Dynasty of Kandahár and Sind.1
It is related by historians that Amír Zú-n Nún, son of Amír Basrí, one of the descendants of Arghún Khán Tarkhán, son of Abaká Khán, son of Hulákú Khán, son of Túlí Khán, son of Changíz Khán, a soldier distinguished for courage and bravery among the warriors of his tribe,2 was employed by Abú Sa'íd Mirzá, and on all occasions acted up to his former character. By this conduct he became a great favourite of Sultán Abú Sa'íd. The honours and re¬wards he received subjected him to the envy and jealousy of his fellows, for his rank was elevated above that of all his relations.
When Sultán Abú Sa'íd was slain in the battle of Kárábágh, Amír Zú-n Nún retired to his father in Hirát. He served for a short time under Yádgár Mírzá. Afterwards, when Sultán Husain succeeded to the throne of Khúrásán, Mírzá Amír Misrí3 died, Amír Zú-n Nún his son was regarded with favour by Sultán Husain Mirzá, who assigned him the chiefship of Ghór, Zamíndáwar and Kandahár, In these countries the warlike tribes of Hazára and Takdarí had complete power.4 Amír Zú-n Nún, in the year 884 H. (1479-80 A.D.), proceeded in that direction with a small body of his tribesfolk (ulús) For some time he was engaged in hostilities with these people, and, being in all battles victorious and successful, he brought the countries into subjection to his rule. The Hazára, Takdarí, and all the other
[p.304]: tribes having seen this, quietly submitted to his authority and made no further opposition. The services of Amír Zú-n Nún were so highly approved of, that Sultán Husain bi-l Karár made him absolute governor of Kandahár, Ghór, and other countries. After some time Amír Zú-n Nún Misrí obtained independent power in those provinces, and he also encroached upon the territories of Shál, Mustúng, and their dependencies. In the course of four more years he was in command of a large force and had entirely attached to his interest the people of Hazára, Takdarí, Kipchák, and the Moghals of Kandahár. On hearing this, Sultán Husain sent an imperative order, requiring him to present himself without delay at the imperial court. The Amír acted accordingly, and on his arrival at court made the usual presents. The people were all loud in their praises of his loyalty and fidelity, and consequently the Sultán presented him with a vest of honour, a richly caparisoned horse, kettle drums, and banner, and also granted him a royal patent of investiture. He then ordered him to leave his son and suite at the court, and himself proceed to Kandahár. Immediately on receipt of this order, the Amír seized the first opportunity of secretly taking his son and the nobles who had attended him, and marched with great rapidity to Kandahár, leaving, however, his property, arms, etc., behind him in his residence. In the course of two or three days the Sultán ordered that the Amír should not leave the court for Kandahár until after the festival of Nauroz. The royal messengers, on arriving at the Amír's residence, discovered the flight, and reported to the Sultán the state of affairs. The Sultán, on hearing of it, remarked that the Amír had evidently departed without any intention of returning. But the prince and the nobles argued that his having left horses, camels, carpets, and other property behind him was a proof that his absence would not be of long duration. The Sultán then said that his flight was only another proof of his ready wit and sagacity. However, regrets were now unavailing. A.H. 911 (1505 A.D.) Sultán Husain died, and the affairs of the kingdom of Khurásán fell into complete disorder.
Affairs were thus situated when in the Muharram of the year 913 H. (May, 1507) Muhammad Khán Shaibání Úzbek crossed the Jíhún with an enormous army, like a swarm of ants or locusts,
[p.305]: which he had collected for the purpose of conquering Khurásán. Badí'u-z Zamán Mirzá, son of the late Sultán Husain, was in great alarm and consternation at the approach of this army, and instantly sent information of the fact to Amír Zú-n Nún.1 The Amír consulted with his sons and nobles, who all entertained different opinions on the subject, but the Amír declared that he considered it incumbent on him to march to the support of the Sultán, and that courage and humanity alike forbade him to remain inactive during this crisis. He said that his return was not to be hoped for, as the Úzbek army was powerful and numerous in the extreme, and the fortunes of the house of Sultán Husain were in their decline. Accordingly, he assembled a friendly body of Arghún and Tarkhán troops, and marched to the succour of the Prince Badí'u-z Zamán. Having arrived at the camp, he was received with every honour. The same day the army of the Úzbeks and of Má-waráu-n nahr crossed the river. Numerous signs of the approach of Muhammad Khán Shaibání's overwhelming force were evident. Upon reaching the field of the approaching contest, the Prince having reviewed his troops, formed up in order of battle, and from both armies the shouts of the warriors and the roll of the kettle-drums resounded to the vault of heaven.
The Amír, with a body of his bold well-mounted horsemen, commenced the attack, and by an impetuous charge, completely routed a body of the enemy, and threw them into utter confusion. In vain: for as wave follows wave, column after column of the Úzbeks came on in endless succession to the attack, till at last the Khurá-sánís, unable to contend any longer with such disproportionate numbers, turned rein and fled. A scene of the wildest and most hopeless confusion ensued. The Amír, however, with a small band of his trusty and indomitable warriors, maintained his ground, now standing on the defensive, now charging one wing of the enemy, and now the other. The field was dyed with blood. Thus they fought bravely and desperately until the Úzbeks closing in on every side, the Amír was wounded and thrown from his horse. Disdaining
[p.306]: the quarter offered him by the Úzbeks, who hoped to take him a prisoner in triumph to Muhammad Khán, he fell, covered with glory.
Sháh Beg Arghún
Sháh Beg Arghún son of Zú-n Nún, was, on the death of the Amír, placed by the unanimous voice of the chiefs on the vacant throne. He confirmed all his father's appointments, and gave the holders of them robes of honour. He displayed an unparalleled example of equity and justice, by which conduct he so won the hearts of his soldiery, that they became his most devoted and obedient subjects. Sháh Beg always consorted with the most distinguished and scientific men in his kingdom.
At this time Muhammad Khán, having subdued the whole of Khurásán, approached Kara with the determination of adding Kandahár also to his dominions. On his arrival at Garmsír, Sháh Beg sent messengers to him offering his allegiance and submission. He promised that he would express the same at a personal interview. Muhammad Khán was satisfied with this concession and went back.
In the year 915 H. (1509 A.D.), Sháh Isma'íl the second, having overcome and killed Muhammad Khán in battle, took possession of Khurásán. The Sháh attained to the greatest power, so much so that the surrounding nations dreaded his might and ambition.
At this juncture Warash Khán marched upon Kara, and set up his standard. Sháh Beg in alarm at this threatened invasion, consulted with his ministers, showing them the imminent danger his country was in-threatened on one side by Sháh Isma'íl, the conqueror of Khurásán, and on the other by Bábar Bádsháh, who had already reached Kábul, both with avowed warlike intentions. He pointed out to them the necessity of providing a retreat in case of their losing Kandahár. It was at length resolved to seize the Síwí territory, and in the year 917 H. (1511 A.D.), he set out from Kandahár, and having reached Shál, there made preparations for the ensuing campaign. On his arrival at Síwí he invested the fort. The descendants of Sultán Purdilí Bírlás, who ruled in Síwí,
[p.307]: advanced to oppose him with three thousand men of the Bulúch tribe as well as other forces. The army of Sháh Beg proved completely victorious. The enemy was utterly overthrown, many were killed in action, and the survivors fled towards Sind. Sháh Beg entered Síwí in triumph, and made a short stay there, during which time he built houses, laid out gardens, and raised a fort which he strongly garrisoned, and, having appointed Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, one of the most distinguished of his nobles, to be governor, he returned to Kandahár.
Ann. Hij. 919 (A.D. 1513), the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar having determined upon the conquest of Kandahár, marched upon it with a powerful and numerous army. Sháh Beg collected his forces, with sufficient provisions and munitions of war to enable him to sustain a siege, shut himself up in the fort and posted his men on the walls and bastions. On the arrival of the Emperor in the vicinity of the city, he was attacked by disease, and became very feeble. His ministers and nobles on this became disaffected and mutinous. Sháh Beg, having learnt the state of affairs, sent the leading men of Kandahár with instructions to negotiate a peace. The Emperor, consenting to the terms, despatched Khwája Jalálu-d dín with suitable presents, and returned to Kábul. Sháh Beg then withdrew after a short time to Síwí, and made a stay there. Having assembled a general council, he pointed out to them that the Emperor Bábar having once found his way to Kandahár, would not rest contented until he had conquered and brought it under his own rule; that it behoved them to consult their own and the country's safety. In pursuance of this idea, he, at the beginning of the winter season, raised a force of 1000 horse, and despatched them from Síwí to Sind. This force, on the 7th of Zí-l Ka'da H. 920 (Dec. 1514), attacked and took the villages of Kákán and Bághbán. These villages were so densely populated, that, in the sack, 1000 camels, employed on the garden-wells merely, were taken; from this, some idea may be formed of the wealth of the two places.1 After re-maining there a week they returned with their spoil to Síwí.
[p.308]: A.H. 921 (1515 A.D.). The Emperor Bábar put into execution the design Sháh Beg had foreseen, and having marched upon Kandahár, laid siege to the fort and commenced mining it. The siege was carried on with vigour, and all supplies being cut off, a great dearth of grain ensued in the city. At this crisis, however, the Emperor's army was so weakened by fever, that a peace was again agreed upon. Whereupon, the Emperor returned to Kábul. In this same year, Sháh Hasan Mirzá having quarrelled with his father, left him, and went to the Court of the Emperor Bábar, and being by him received with hospitality and distinction, he remained there two years. The Emperor observed that his visit was not from any affection entertained towards himself by Sháh Hasan, but in order that he might learn the art of governing rightly, and at the same time perfect himself in the ceremonies of the Court. At length, Sháh Hasan, with the Emperor's permission, returned to Kandahár.
A.H. 922 (1516 A.D.) The Emperor Bábar again assembled an army, and marched upon Kandahár, and he was yet in the jungle when the fort was invested. Sháh Beg, wearied and harassed by these repeated invasions, sent Shaikh Abú Sa'íd Púrání to negotiate a peace; the terms agreed upon were that in the ensuing year the government of Kandahár should be made over to the officers of the Emperor Bábar. Having ratified this treaty, the Emperor returned to Kábul. In pursuance of this arrangement, Sháh Beg, A.H. 923 (1517 A.D.), sent the keys of the fort of Kandahár to the Imperial Court, by the hands of Mír Ghíásu-d dín, grandson of Khondamír, author of the Habíbu-s Siyar, and father of Mír Abú-l Makárim, and grandfather of 'Abdu-llah Sultán. This ratification of the cession was approved of by his majesty.1
After the subjugation of his country, Sháh Beg remained two years in Shál and Síwí, reduced to penury and distress. In such straits was he, that his army was compelled during this period to subsist upon nothing but carrots, turnips, and other such vegetables. Towards the end of the year 924 A.H. (1518 A.D.), he made warlike preparations for the conquest of Sind. In consequence of the removal of Mirzá 'Ísá, he left Sultán 'Alí Arghún and Zíbak Tarkhán,
[p.309]: with a number of men for the protection of the forts of Síwí and and Ganjáwa. He despatched a-head of his army a force of 200 horse under Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, and himself followed at the head of 300 more. On entering the Sind territory, he soon reached Bágh-bán, he learnt that an army of Samejas, under the command of Mahmúd Khán, son of Daryá Khán, was encamped at Thatta, four kos from Síwistán, and prepared to do battle. Sháh Beg halted at Bághbán, where he was well received by the principal inhabitants. He then resumed his march through the Lakkí hills towards Thatta, and at last reached that river which in those days ran to the north of Thatta.1 Being unprovided with means of transit, he stopped for some days on the bank, revolving in his mind how to effect a passage. At this juncture, the men on guard perceived that a man driving a laden ass was fording the river from the opposite bank. He was seized and compelled by menaces to show the way through the ford.2 'Abdu-r Rahmán Daulat Sháhí then plunged on horseback into the river, reached the other bank and then returned and reported the fact to Sháh Beg, who availing himself of this information, on the 15th day of Muharram A.H. 927 (December, 1520), crossed the river with his force, and marched towards the city of Thatta. On which, Daryá Khán, the adopted son of Jám Nanda, having left Jám Fíroz in garrison at Thatta, hastened at the head of his army to give the Amír battle.
After a long, bloody, and well-contested action, in which Daryá Khán, with a host of Sammas, was killed, victory declared itself in favour of Sháh Beg. On receipt of this disastrous intelligence, Jám Fíroz left Thatta and fled without stopping until he reached the village of Pírár3 with a heavy heart. Thatta was given up to plunder till the 20th of the month, in the course of which the inhabitants were treated with merciless severity, and many of them were carried into captivity. The holy text, "Surely when
[p.310]: kings enter a village they destroy it," was fully exemplified in this instance. At last, by the strenuous exertions of Kází Kázin a most distinguished scholar, these outrages were put an end to, and proclamation was made to the effect that the people of the city were to remain undisturbed.1 The fugitive Jám Fíroz remained, with a few men who had accompanied him, at Pírár, his family being still at Thatta. At length, finding that nothing was left for him but submission, he despatched a messenger to Sháh Beg, humbly intreating forgiveness, and expressing his willingness to submit himself unconditionally to the will and pleasure of his conqueror, with most solemn promises of future good conduct.
Sháh Beg moved by that generosity which distinguished him, and having pity on the miserable condition of his vanquished enemy, received the messenger most graciously, and granted him a robe of honour, at the same time sending a friendly answer to Jám Fíróz, who on the receipt of it came with a number of his friends, towards the end of the month Safar, to Thatta, dressed in most humble guise, a sword hanging from his neck to express his complete subjection. He was permitted the honour of kissing the hands of Sháh Beg. He then repeated his expressions of sorrow and contrition. Sháh Beg, having assured him of his forgiveness, invested him with the robe of honour which Sultán Husain Mirzá had before bestowed on Mír Zú-n Nún, and conferred on him the governorship of Thatta. He then held a conference with his nobles and ministers. The Sind territory, he declared, was too extensive for his own immediate government and control. It was therefore advisable to divide it, assigning one half to Jám Fíroz, and keeping the other under his own management. They all concurred, and it was arranged that the territory extending from the Lakkí hills, near Síwistán, to Thatta, should be assigned to Jám Fíroz, while the upper part from the same hills should remain in his own possession. Having settled this, Sháh Beg marched in the direction of Síwistán. The inhabitants of this place, dreading the arrival of the victorious army fled to Thátí, and
[p.311]: having joined themselves with the Sa'ta and Súmra tribes,1 formed themselves in order of battle and advanced to give fight. An obstinate battle ensued, in which Sháh Beg proved again victorious; his adversaries fled, and he took possession of the fort of Síwistán. Having put it in complete repair, he placed in it some of his most distinguished nobles, among others Mír 'Alaika Arghún, Sultán Mukím Beg-Lár, Kaibuk Arghún, and Ahmad Tarkhán; all these he ordered to erect houses in the fort for themselves. He then took his departure for Bhakkar, and after several days marching arrived at the plain surrounding Sakhar. A few days after he reached Bhakkar, where he was much gratified with the fort and town. Having visited and inspected these, he laid out the town, assigning various quarters to his officers and soldiers. He caused a plan to be made of the fort, and placed it in the care of his principal officers, in order that, each one doing his part, they might put it into complete repair. The hard bricks for this purpose were provided by the destruction of the fort of Alor (anciently the seat of government) and of the houses of the Turk and Samma people in the suburbs of Bhakkar.2 In a short space of time the works were finished. He fixed on the citadel of the fort as a residence for himself, and Mirzá Sháh Husain; he also permitted Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, Sultán Muhammad, keeper of the seal, and one or two others to reside in it. He employed a whole year in finishing the buildings in the fort and settling the affairs of his subjects.
A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.) Sháh Beg left Páyinda Muhammad Tarkhán in charge of Bhakkar, and advanced with a considerable army to the conquest of Guzerát. During his progress down the river, he swept the country on both banks from the foul inhabitants. On the arrival of the army at Chaindúka, Mír Fázil Kokaltásh was taken dangerously ill, and after lingering a few days died. This incident so affected Sháh Beg that an idea took possession of his mind that the death of his friend was a warning of the near approach
[p.312]: of his own. Shortly after, intelligence was received of the Emperor Bábar's arrival in the vicinity of Bhara and Khusháb, with the avowed intention of conquering the country of Hindústán. On hearing this, Sháh Beg observed that Bábar had no intention of leaving him at peace, but that he would ultimately seize Sind, either from him or his descendants. It was needful therefore to seek out some other asylum. Having said this, he complained of a violent pain in his bowels. Every remedy was tried to alleviate it, but in vain, for in the month Sha'bán, 928 H. (June, 1522), after a reign of fifteen years, Sháh Beg died, without having been able to effect his intention of entering Guzerát. "Shahr Sha'bán" is the chronogram of his death.
Mirzá Sháh Husain Arghún
On the death of Sháh Beg, in A.H. 928 (1522 A.D.), Sháh Husain Arghún succeeded to the throne.1 He conferred dresses of honour and marks of his favour on those chiefs, judges, nobles, and ministers who had assembled to congratulate him on his accession. As this event took place at the end of the Ramazán, when the great festival was about to be celebrated, the nobles about his person represented that on this great and memorable occasion it were well that the Khutba were read in his name. This he refused to permit, saying that as long as any descendant of the Sáhib-kirán (Tímúr) existed, no other man could assume this privilege. Accordingly the Khutba was read in the name of the Emperor Zahíru-d dín Muhammad Bábar. During the celebration of the festival, the Sháh remained in the same place. In the meantime he received intelligence how that Jám Fíroz and the people of Thatta had heard with delight of the demise of Sháh Beg, and had beaten their drums in token of joy and gratification. Incensed at these proceedings, Mirzá Sháh Husain having consulted with his minister, and having come to the conclusion that the prosecution of his father's designs on Guzerát was not advisable, ordered his army to march on Thatta in order to destroy Jám Fíroz. News of this determination soon reached Thatta, and Jám Fíroz, being utterly unable to oppose
[p.313]: the army marching against him, hastily fled from the city, and crossing the river in despair took his way towards Kach. When he reached Cháchkán and Ráhmán, he collected an army of about 50,000 horse and foot. With this formidable force, consisting of the people of Sind and the Samma tribe, he returned with the intention of coming to an engagement with Mirzá Sháh Husain, who at the head of his ever victorious troops, had already arrived at the city of Thatta. On hearing of the force which Jám Fíroz was bringing against him, the Sháh having left a body of men for the protection of the city, the inhabitants being in a state of the greatest alarm, marched out with the view of bringing the enemy to an engagement. On nearing the Sindian army, he formed his troops in order of battle, and advanced. Suddenly he came in view of the enemy, who, greatly alarmed at the sight of the Moghals, dismounted, left their horses, doffed their turbans, tied the corners of each other's clothes together, and thus engaged in the conflict. Mirzá Sháh Husain knew it to be the custom of the people of Sind and Hind, when resolved upon fighting to the death, to leave their horses, and bare-headed and bare-footed, tie themselves together by each other's clothes and waistbands,-so he saw these preparations with delight, and congratulating his nobles and officers on the evident despair of the enemy, and the consequent assurance of victory to themselves, gave the order for the attack. On this, his troops armed with their bows and arrows, and sword in hand, rushed vehemently to the charge, spreading consternation and dismay in the ranks of the enemy. From morning to evening the battle was bloodily contested. Nearly 20,000 men fell on the field, till at last, Jám Fíroz, being defeated, fled, covered with shame and disgrace, to Guzerát, where he remained until his death. Mirzá Sháh Husain remained for three days on the field of battle, distributing the horses and all other booty amongst his people, and showering rewards upon his officers; he then returned in triumph to Thatta. Thence he went to Tughlikábád, where he remained six months, when he proceeded towards Bhakkar. On his arrival within thirty kos of the city, all the leading men came out to meet and congratulate him, and were received with every honour. In this year also, Shaikh Bulákí came from Kandahár to Sind to visit him.
[p.314]: After the lapse of two years, A.H. 930 (1524 A.D.), Mirzá Sháh Husain came to the determination to invade Multán, in pursuance of which design he ordered his nobles and generals to make the necessary arrangements. At the commencement of the year A.H. 931 (1525 A.D.), he started on this expedition. On reaching the city of Úch he found the Bulúchís and Langáhs prepared to fight. The Multán army in those days was a hundred-fold greater than the Mirzá's, yet he, trusting in Divine assistance, drew up his army with great care and circumspection, and with his Moghal troops began the battle. When these two brave armies confronted each other, the Moghals employed their deadly fire, and the Langáhs and Bulúchís plied their bows and arrows. The contest was sharp, but victory at length declared itself in favour of Mirzá Sháh Husain. Many of the Langáhs were slain, the rest fled. The fort was captured, and orders were given to demolish the buildings in the city of Úch.
The news of the Sháh's success soon reached the ears of Sultán Muhammad Langáh, the ruler of Multán.1 Whereupon he despatched parties in all directions, with instructions to levy forces with the greatest celerity. In accordance with these orders, within the course of a month, an army consisting of 80,000 horse and foot, composed of men of the Bulúch, Jat, Rind, Dádí, and other tribes, was raised.2 At the head of his large and powerful force, the Sultán set out from Multán. The Mirzá on hearing of these numbers being brought against him, took up a position on the banks of the Ghára and there awaited the attack of the enemy. Sultán Mahmúd remained for a month in the suburbs of Multán for the purpose of constructing such engines as might be required, and of amply providing his army with the necessary munitions and stores. Having effected this he resumed his march. The Sultán, inflated with pride and puffed up with a certainty of victory, at last arrived at Beg. Here it happened that Shaikh Shujá' Bukhárí, the son-in-law of the
[p.315]: Sultán, a man possessed of great influence in the political and fiscal affairs of the State, was detected in an intrigue in the royal harem. This having come to the knowledge of the Sultán, he was so enraged, that the Shaikh saw his only safety lay in the death of the Sultán. Having obtained from the treasury the deadly poison there deposited for the destruction of those obnoxious to the State, he administered it to Sultán Mahmúd. The army, which consisted chiefly of Bulúchís, being thus deprived of its head, the greatest confusion reigned.
The Langáhs placed Sultán Husain, son of the late Sultán Mah-múd, upon the vacant throne, and finding it necessary to make peace, they sent the holy Shaikh Baháu-d-dín to negotiate a treaty. The Shaikh submitted his terms to Mirzá Sháh Husain, who approved and ratified them. The Mirzá then returned, and on his arrival at Úch, ordered another fort to be erected there. In the mean time, Langer Khán, one of the late Sultán Mahmúd's nobles, came to the Mirzá and informed him that, owing to the youth of Sultán Husain, he was unfit to conduct the Government of Multán,-that the duties of the State were neglected, and that in consequence of the tyranny and oppression, rebellions and insurrections had broken out in the city; that all the greatest and best disposed of the inhabitants were desirous of another ruler. He ended by imploring the Mirzá to march again upon Multán. Mirzá Sháh Husain complied with this request, and on reaching the city laid close siege to the fort, which was garrisoned by the Langáh army. Desultory fighting took place daily between the two forces. At length a great scarcity of provisions took place in the city. This increased to such an extent that even the head of a cow was valued at ten tankas, while the price of grain rose to 100 tankas per maund. After some time had elapsed, a party of soldiers one morning forced the gate of the city. The troops rushed in and captured the place. All the in¬habitants of the city, from seven years of age up to seventy, were taken prisoners, the city was given up to plunder, and very many of the Langáh tribe were slain. On this, Mirzá Sháh gave orders that no further hurt should be done to the survivors.
Sultán Husain and his sisters were brought before the Mirzá by the venerable Shaikh Baháu-d dín; and Mirzá Sháh, for the sake of
[p.316]: their reverend protector, received them kindly, and abstained from doing them any injury.
After a stay of two months in the city, the Mirzá left Khwája Shamsu-d dín, with a force of 200 horse, 100 foot, and 100 gunners1 under him in charge of Multán, and having sent a message to the Court of the Emperor, Zahíru-d din Bábar, offering Multán to him, he returned to Bhakkar; and thence went to Thatta, where, having inspected and satisfied himself as to the proper management of the surrounding country, he fixed his abode, and passed fifteen years in the enjoyment of peace and tranquility.
In the Ramazán A.H. 949 (Dec. 1542, A.D.), the Emperor Nasíru-d dín Hámuyún on account of the rebellion of Shír Khán Afghán came from Lahore towards Sind. Having taken up his quarters in the town of Laharí (Rori), he established his own residence within the walls of the delightful garden of Babarlúka. Sultán Mahmúd desolated the country, and himself took refuge in the fort of Bhakkar. The Emperor sent Amír Táhir Sadar and Samandar Beg to Mirzá Sháh Husain in Thatta, reminding him of the ties of amity and friendship which had existed between the Tarkháns and the late Emperor Bábar. Mirzá Sháh Husain paid much honour to the royal messengers, and said that if the Emperor intended to invade Guzerát, he, the Mirzá, attended by his whole army, would accompany him on the expedition, and not return till the conquest had been effected. He also made over to him the tract extending from Hála Kandí to Bitúra on the other side of the river, to defray the expenses of the royal household. He sent Shaikh Mírak Púrání and Mirzá Kásim Tafáí to the Emperor, bearing similar terms and suitable presents. On their arrival there, they expressed the Mirzá's loyalty and presented the petition of which they were the bearers. After a few days, the Emperor dismissed the ambassadors, and wrote with his own hand a letter to their master, to the following effect: "To Sháh Husain, greeting (after the usual compliments), I comply with your request on this condition, namely, that you serve me with fidelity. Farewell!"
Mirzá Sháh Husain had formed his determination to present himself to the Emperor at a personal interview. The Arghún nobles
[p.317]: were, however, of a different opinion, and altogether adverse to submitting themselves, and by their cunning and designing arts raised a quarrel, by which means they prevented Sháh Husain from following the dictates of his own judgment. The Emperor remained at Babarlúka for five months in the full expectation that Sháh Husain would come to meet him, and having sworn allegiance would become a faithful ally. Having been informed as to the intentions of the Arghúns, he marched with his army on the first of Jumáda-l Awwal A.H. 948 (Aug.-Sept., 1541), towards Síwistán; on his arrival at which place, he laid siege to the fort. Mirzá Husain having received intelligence of this movement, came from Thatta and formed an entrenched camp. The Emperor ordered mines to be dug under the fort, by means of which he succeeded in destroying one bastion. The garrison however, speedily remedied the injury done to their defences by raising another wall. The Emperor saw that the Arghúns had strengthened the work, and was aware that he was altogether unprovided with the engines necessary for the successful termination of the siege. Seven months had now elapsed since he first laid siege to the fort. Mirzá Sháh Husain succeeded in stopping the conveyance of supplies to the besieging army, which moreover were impeded by contrary winds and the rising of the river. Owing to these unfortunate circumstances, the army was greatly distressed. At this juncture the Emperor received a petition from Rájá Máldeo of Jodhpur, intimating that during his majesty's absence, the Rájá had continued his faithful servant, and hoped for his arrival. Should the Emperor deem it fit to bring his ever prosperous army, the Rájá was at his service with 20,000 Rájpúts, and would accompany the Imperial army to whatever place it may be directed to march.
In consequence of this invitation, in Rabí'u-l Awwal, A.H. 949 (May-June, 1542), the Emperor marched towards the territories of Rájá Máldeo. After some marches, he approached near them, but was there informed by some inhabitants of the surrounding country of the sinister views entertained by Máldeo, who, they said, had invited him only because Sher Khán Afghán had placed a force in ambuscade for the purpose of attacking and plundering the army.
[p.318]: On hearing this, the Emperor became alarmed, and was much downcast, and after consultation he left the Jodhpur territory, and marched with great speed to Sátalmír. Thence he rapidly proceeded to Jesalmír, and from thence he continued his journey to 'Umarkot. During his march hither his army suffered much from drought. On his arrival, Dair Sál the chief, accompanied by his people, came out to meet him, and kissed his stirrup.1 He cleared the fort of its occupants and assigned it to the use of the Emperor, who remained in it for some days.
The people of Thatta sent the great Saiyid 'Alí Shírází, who was Shaikhu-l Islám at that time, with presents of fruits and perfumes; the star of his prosperity again arose from the horizon of greatness.
On Sunday, the 5th of Rajab, A.H. 949 (15th October, 1542), was born the great Emperor Jalálu-d dín Muhammad Akbar. His father rejoiced greatly at the birth of a son. The first clothes of the child were, for the sake of superior sanctity, made out of the garments of the aforesaid Saiyid. As there was in 'Umarkot no place fitted for the residence of a king, the Court was compelled to remove to Sind. Having set out they reached the town of Jún, situated on the banks of the Rain. This place is celebrated amongst the cities of Sind for the number and beauty of its gardens, abounding in rivulets which present fresh and delightful scenes. In these gardens, the Emperor remained for some days, within sight of the town. Mirzá Husain also came with his forces into its vicinity, and there encamped. Daily skirmishes took place in the environs of the town between the followers of the two camps. One day, Tímúr Sultán, Shaikh 'Alí Beg, and Tardí Beg Khán, with a body of men, made preparations to attack a fort which was filled with grain. Mirzá Sháh Husain's officer, Sultán Mahmúd Khán Bhakkarí, being apprized of their design, took a large force, and in the morning attacked them. Shaikh 'Ali Beg with his sons, stood his ground until he was slain; others of his force were also killed in this engagement. Their adversaries also suffered heavy loss. The Emperor, grieved at the occurrence, contracted a disgust for Sind, and determined upon going to Kandahár.
[p.319]: In the meantime, on the 7th of Muharram A.H. 950, (12th April, 1543, A.D.), Bairam Khán came, unattended, from Guzerát, and having met the Emperor attempted to console him. He endeavoured with success to negotiate a peace between the contending parties. Sháh Husain, delighted with the prospect of peace, readily agreed to the proposal, and sent the Emperor 100,000 miskáls in cash, all the equipage required for travelling (which he caused to be prepared), with 300 horse and an equal number of camels. A bridge also was built near the town, on which the Emperor observed that the Arabic words Sirát mustakím, signifying "a strong bridge," formed the chronogram of the date of the treaty and the construction of the bridge, i.e. A.H. 950, (A.D. 1543-4). On the 7th of Rabí'-ul Ákhir of the same year, the Emperor marched towards Kandahár and Mirzá Sháh Husain returned to Thatta. It is said that the Mirzá became, towards the end of his life, afflicted with palsy. He chose as his companions men of loose character and mean extraction. The Moghals, Tarkháns, and others, being unable to obtain an audience at the Court, remained in their own houses. Daily, men of notoriously bad character were raised to preferment; for instance, early in the year 960 (1553 A.D.), the Arbábí, or prefecture of the city, was conferred upon 'Arabí Káhí, while the premiership was entrusted to Isma'íl, an innkeeper. Towards the close of the same year, Mirzá Sháh Husain made 'Arabí Káhí his viceregent in the fort of Tughlikábád, and installed Shaibah and Rafík, two slaves whom he had purchased and made his most confidential advisers, as superintendents of the city. Having thus placed all the Moghals, Arghúns, Tarkháns, etc., under the control of 'Arabí Káhí, he him¬self went to Bhakkar.
It happened that the sons of 'Arabí Káhí, being rapacious and greedy, oppressed the Moghals. Seeing this, the Arghúns and Tarkháns in Thatta became alarmed and much grieved. On this, 'Arabí Káhí, with the concurrence of his friends, sent information to Mirzá Sháh Husain, that the Arghún and Tarkhán inhabitants of the city had thrown off their allegiance, and were filled with visionary schemes against him. This, he said, jeopardized the safety of the country, and therefore he had deemed it incumbent on him to report the circumstance. Infuriated by this intelligence, Sháh Husain wrote
[p.320]: orders that 'Arabí Káhí should invite into the fort the most seditious of the Arghún tribe, such as Mír Farrukh, Mír Kabaik, Mír Tímúr, Mír Fázil, Mír Khallá, etc., and there put them to death. He said that this example would intimidate the others, who would then return to their allegiance. He at the same time treacherously sent a letter to the Moghals, couched in kind terms, stating that they were his brothers and of the same tribe with himself, and that ('Arabí Káhí) and such fellows, were in reality only their servants and slaves, that to the disgust of the Sammas he had raised these men of low degree to elevated ranks, and that if in conformity to his orders they were obeyed and respected, then, considering them¬selves highly honoured, they would the more readily devote themselves to the duties assigned them. It happened, that these two contradictory letters both fell into the hands of the Moghals, who thus becoming aware of the Shah's duplicity and treacherous designs, revolted, and having seized 'Arabí Káhí, Rafík, Shaibah, and Isma'íl, put them to death in the beginning of Muharram A.H. 961 (Dec. 1553). Having taken Máh Begam, consort of the Mirzá, together with his other concubines, prisoners, they consulted amongst them¬selves and agreed to the necessity of choosing a leader for the better prosecution of their business. They all offered themselves as candidates, each man declaring that he would not consent to anyone being preferred before himself. This being the state of the case, it was at last agreed that, as the Arghúns could not choose one among themselves, in preference to another, who might have honours and obeisances paid him, it was advisable, therefore, to select as their chief, one from out the Tarkhán tribe. That Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, governor of Fath Bágh, being wise, prudent, and of noble descent, was best qualified for the office and likely to accede to their request. They then invited the Mirzá from Fath Bágh and informed him of their wishes. On his arrival, they showed him great hospitality, and, persisting in their request, obtained his consent. They then nominated him their chief, and placed him at the head of the government of Thatta. They paid him royal respect and homage, and having sworn allegiance, placed themselves under his authority, and made proclamation of his supremacy by beat of drums. The Mirzá took possession of the treasure, and having lavished large sums amongst
[p.321]: the army, established his power over the several districts and tribes of Sind.
Enraged at these occurrences, Mirzá Sháh Husain seized the Arghúns and Tarkháns who were in Bhakkar, such as Mír Jání Beg Tarkhán, Mír Ahmad Tarkhán, Mír Hamza Beg-Lár, Mír Murád Husain Beg-Lár, and others, and then marched at the head of a considerable army to Thatta to give battle to the Arghúns and Tarkháns. On his arrival within two kos of the city, the two armies came into collision on the banks of the stream of Sháh Panáh. Two or three engagements took place in which both armies suffered con¬siderable loss. In the midst of this campaign, Mirzá Sháh Husain was attacked by a fatal sickness.
Sultán Mahmúd Khán, of Bhakkar, the greatest noble under Sháh Husain, was commander-in-chief of his forces. He was the son of Mír Fázil Kokaltásh, son of 'Ákil Khwája, son of Ahmad Khwája, one of the greatest chiefs of Ispahán. At the time when Sáhib-Kirán Amír Tímúr Gúrgán marched for the conquest of I'rák, the chiefs of Ispahán having revolted, threw off their allegiance to him. The Sáhib-Kirán on this gave orders that they should be plundered and destroyed, and sent a formidable army to enforce his commands. During this invasion, Ahmad Khwája father of 'Ákil Khwája fell into the hands of Mír Hasan Basrí, father of Mirzá Zú-n Nún, and he having adopted him as his son, bestowed great pains on his education. Ahmad Khwája flourished three generations before Malik Mah-múd Khán, a man famous for his generosity, and nineteen generations after 'Iddí, son of Hatim Táí. Sultán Mahmúd Khán, of Bhakkar, was chiefly characterized by his liberality and courage, in which latter he was unequalled. During his service with Mirzá Sháh Husain, he had given repeated proofs of his valour. On seeing that the Mirzá's days were numbered, and that he had but a short time to live, he reflected that daily Musulmáns were losing their lives in the strife, and that shortly he would be involved in inextricable difficulties. He therefore sent privately a message to Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, to the effect that Mirzá Sháh Husain was on the point of death, that when that occurred, there would be no one to interfere between them, and that it would be advisable to enter into a mutual engagement. He refused to revolt against his master
[p.322]: during his lifetime, but on his death he proposed an equal division of the country,-from the Lakkí hills down to the sea should belong to Mirzá 'Ísá, and from the same hills to Bhakkar should belong to himself. The next morning, at the suggestion of Sultán Mahmúd, the great Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Púrání, and Mirzá Kásim Beg-Lár brought the apologies of Mirzá 'Ísa, expressing his sorrow and shame for the disrespectful conduct of the Arghúns towards the Mirzá. He sent word that if the Mirzá would pardon him, and release such of the Arghúns and Tarkháns as were imprisoned, he would himself come in the hope of getting forgiveness for the past. Mirzá Sháh Husain, actuated by merciful motives, liberated the prisoners, and sent them to Mirzá 'Ísá, who in return ordered that Máh Begam and all the other captive concubines should be taken to the camp of the Mirzá. Next day, Mirzá Kásím Beg brought a letter to Mirza 'Ísá to this effect:-"You should not have chosen this line of conduct, which can only tend to bring a bad name on both parties. Well! let bygones be bygones. In expectation of my mercy, you must either come yourself or send your son, that I may, through my own spontaneous kindness, confer on him the governorship of Thatta, while I myself return to Bhakkar." As the Arghúns, Tarkháns, and soldiers, in their foresight, advised Mirzá 'Ísa not to go himself, he turned to his eldest son, Mirzá Bákí, and told him that he should go. The son refused, and said, "If you are anxious for my death, kill me with your own hand, but do not deliver me over to the hand of the enemy." On this, the Mirzá looked at his second son, Mirzá Sálih, who, having arisen, rose and said, "Be satisfied; I will go. Either he will keep his word, or he will not. If he does, it will fulfil our hopes; if he does not, your safety must be secured. I am prepared to sacrifice myself, and obtain the honour of martyrdom!" Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, seeing his spirit, embraced him with paternal affection, and gave him permission to proceed on the mission. Mirzá Sálih with a few brave men went on the fourth of Rabi'u-l Awwal, A.H. 961 (Feb. 1554), accompanied by Mirzá Muhammad Kásím Beg-Lár, to meet Mirzá Sháh Husain, and offer his presents. The Mirzá with great kindness praised his fidelity and courage, and calling him
[p.323]: his dear son, invested him with a rich robe, a girdle, and sword adorned with precious stones, together with a horse, and saddle and bridle set with gems, a necklace, and a kettledrum. He furthermore conferred on him the governorship of Thatta, and then gave him permission to retire. Returning in safety to Thatta, he caused the kettledrum to be sounded before him, and presenting to his father all he had received, he remained under his protection, obedient to his orders.
About the same time Mirzá Sháh Husain marched back towards Bhakkar, and on the 12th of the same month, died at the village of 'Alípútra, twenty kos from Thatta, after a reign of thirty-two years. Máh Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb carried his remains to Thatta, where they were temporarily deposited in the Makalí Hills. After two years, they were sent in charge of Saiyíd 'Alí Shirází and Máh Begam to the holy city of Mecca, and were re¬interred there by the side of the tomb of his father, Sháh Beg.
Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán
Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, son of Mirzá 'Abdu-l 'Alí, son of Mirzá 'Abdu-l Khálik, son1 of Arghún Khán, son of Abaká Khán, son of Hulákú Khán, son of Changíz Khán, succeeded to the throne of Thatta, after the death of Mirzá Husain Arghún. Mirza 'Ísá made Mirzá Sálih Tar-khán his heir apparent, and placed the reins of government in his hands, reserving to himself only the name of king.2 When Mirzá Sálih had made himself secure of Thatta and its dependencies, he left his brother, Mirzá Ján Bábá, who was greatly attached to him, to attend upon his father while he himself marched against Siwistán. He commenced his march on the 14th of Shawwál, A.H. 961 (Sep. 1554), and on the 21st of the same month he wrested the fort of Siwistán from the the hands Mahmúd Khán Bhakkarí. When Sultán Mahmúd heard of this loss, he collected an army to oppose Mirzá Sálih. This was reported to Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, and he thereupon led a large force from Thatta to attempt the conquest of
[p.324]: Bhakkar. He reached Bhakkar in the month of Muharram, A.H. 962 (Nov. 1554), where Sultan Mahmúd had drawn up his army to resist him. Two or three engagements followed, and many were killed on both sides. Sultán Mahmúd was at length compelled to take refuge in the fort, where he was so hardly pressed that he sent Saiyid Mír Kalán, grandfather of Mír M'asúm Bhak-karí, to treat with Mirzá 'Ísá, making professions of friendship, and offering to give up Siwistán and its appurtenances, if Bhakkar were secured to him; urging also that Bhakkar was on the frontier of Hindustan, and acted as a barrier on that side. At this juncture, intelligence arrived that the Firingís, who were coming from Lahori-bandar to the assistance of Mirzá 'Ísá Tar-khán, finding the city of Thatta unprotected, had plundered it, set fire to it, and made the inhabitants prisoners. The Mirzá therefore accepted the proposal of Sultán Mahmúd, and peace being concluded, he hastened back to Thatta, and resumed the government.
In the beginning of the year 964 H. (November, 1556), Mirzá Muhammad Bákí rebelled against his father, asserting his rights as eldest son, and objecting to the selection of Mirzá Muhammad Sálih as heir to the throne. In the fighting which ensued, Muhammad Bákí was worsted, and he fled to Wanka, which was the abode of the Súmras. There he formed a connection with sundry Arghúns, and returned with them by way of 'Umarkot and Jesalmír to Bhakkar. On his arriving there, Sultan Mahmúd Khán laudably exerted himself to effect a reconciliation between him and his father; but Mirzá 'Ísa Tarkhán, out of regard for Mirzá Sálih, exiled Muhammad Bákí from Thatta, and sent him to Bhakkar. Here he endeavoured to procure assistance from Hindustan,1 but Sultán Mahmúd opposed him. The Sultán foresaw that if an army came from Hindustan it must necessarily pass by Bhakkar, which would be the first place to suffer. So he kindly but firmly opposed the project.
In the year 970 H. (1562 A.D.) the brave Muhammad Sálih, who had won so many victories, drank the sherbet of martyrdom from the hands of a Bulúch named Muríd. The family and tribe of this
[p.325]: man had been put to death by Muhammad Sálih in punishment of their robberies; so holding a petition in his hand he placed himself in the way of the Mirzá. The prince called him to his side and stooped down to receive the petition, when the caitiff plunged a dagger into his breast, and killed him.
After the death of his favourite son, Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán nominated Mírzá Ján Bábá as heir apparent. After some time Sultán Mahmúd begged Mírzá 'Ísa to forgive his son Muhammad Bákí, but failed in his object. Several nobles who inclined to the side of that prince then interested themselves on his behalf, and roused the father's pride by urging that the prince ought not to be a dependant on Sultán Mahmúd. Being thus induced to pardon his son, Mirzá 'Ísa sent Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Purání and Mír Yár Muhammad, his nephew, to bring him home. When Muhammad Bákí arrived, he waited on his father, and, receiving the town of Siwistán as his jagír, departed thither.
Mirzá 'Ísa was of a gentle and patient disposition, and showed great kindness to the people of his tribe (ulús); but the Arghúns were disaffected, and breaking out in open rebellion crossed the river. The guns1 of Mirzá 'Ísa opened upon them. Many were killed, and the remnant fled for succour to Sultán Mahmúd at Bhakkar. This prince gave a horse and a robe to each of them, and uniting them with a party of his own dependents sent them against Siwistán. They besieged the fort, and once or twice succeeded in scaling the ramparts, but could accomplish nothing more. Mirzá 'Ísá marched from Thatta with a numerous force, and sent a detachment on in advance to raise the siege and pursue the assailants. The opposing forces met at the village of Rakbán, when victory declared in favour of Mirzá 'Ísá, and many of Sultán Mahmúd's men were slain. The Mirzá advanced as far as the town of Durbela. The Sultán also, coming out of Bhakkar, arrived near the same place, and throwing up a fort, prepared for the conflict. In the end peace was made through the medium of Máh Begam and Shaikh 'Abdu-l Waháb Purání, and the rivals retired to Thatta and Bhakkar respectively.
In the year A.H. 974 (1566 A.D.) Mírzá 'Ísá Tarkhán was seized with mortal sickness, so he called together the Arghúns and the
[p.326]: Tarkháns, the ministers and nobles, and all the chief men of the country, in order once more to name Mirzá Ján Bábá as his successor. But Máh Begam strenuously opposed this, maintaining the right of Muhammad Bákí, the eldest son. The dying monarch declared that Muhammad Bákí was tyrannical and cruel, that the people would suffer under his rule, and that she herself would perish by his hand. The end of it all was that Máh Begam sent to hasten the coming of Muhammad Bákí, and kept the death of his father secret until his arrival. Mirzá 'Ísá Tarkhán, who had reigned fourteen years, was then buried in a tomb, which he had constructed in his garden, and Muhammad Bákí ascended the throne.