The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians/VIII. Tuhfatu-l Kirám

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The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians

Sir H. M. Elliot, Edited by John Dowson, 1867, Volume I

Early Arab Geographers On History Of India
HISTORIANS OF SIND: VIII. TUHFATU-L KIRÁM.

Introduction "Tuhfat-ul-kiram" (family tree)

[p.327]: [THIS is a work in three volumes by 'Alí Sher Káni'. The first two volumes are of considerable length, but all the matter of special historical interest is comprised in the third. A succinct synopsis of the contents of the work is prefixed to the first volume. According to this the work commences with-

Vol. I. A Preface in two parts and three books.

Book I. contains three sections,-On the (1) Prophets; (2) Kings; (3) Philosophers, saints, poets, and great men before the time of Muhammad.
Book II. is divided into five sections, (1) Ancestors of the Prophet; (2) Memoirs of the Prophet; (3) the Four Khalifs; (4) the Four Imáms; (5) Celebrated Descendants of the Four Imáms.
Book III., in three sections, (1) The Um-mayide Khalifs and their representatives in 'Irák and Khurásán, with notices of the chiefs and great men of the times; (2) The 'Abbáside Khalifs, including those who set up the Khalifat in Egypt, and also the great men and warriors of the period; (3) Kings cotemporary with the 'Abbásides.

Vol. II. General History, with notices of philosophers, nobles, ministers, and other great men.

Vol. III. Special History of Sind, including descriptions of its cities and villages, histories of its rulers, and memoirs of its great, learned, and distinguished men.]

This third volume, as it is the latest, so it is the most comprehensive and consistent of all the histories of Sind. In the portion relating to the early history of the province, it is not quite so copious as the Tárikh-i Sind of Mír M'asúm; but even in that part it presents us with more miscellaneous information,

[p.328]: and introduces subjects not treated of in that work, such as the legendary tales which are familiar in the country, the origin of some of the tribes, and the separate biographies of the principal officers and nobles who acquired distinction under the later dynasties. The authors are both equally credulous in recording the miracles of saints, but the extent to which the hagiography runs in the Tuhfatu-l Kirám is much greater than in the Tárikh-i Sind; there being scarcely a village in that priest-ridden country which has not its tombs of holy men, whose lives and powers are here recorded with implicit faith.

The work opens with the dynasties of the Ráís and Brahmans, followed by the history of the Arab conquest, well abridged from the Chach-náma. This comprises twenty pages. In thirty more we have the legends, the governors appointed by the kings of Dehlí, the Súmras and Sammas; then the history of the Arghúns and Tarkháns, with their nobles, in thirty-six pages; the imperial governors under the Tímúrians in twenty-four pages, and an account of the Kalhora dynasty to the time of Míán Sár-faraz, Khán in twelve pages. All this is comprised in a little less than half the volume. The rest is entirely devoted to the saints, seers, saiyids, shaikhs, and devotees, with a notice of the poets and caligraphists of Sind.

There are two chronograms at the end of the volume, representing that it was completed in A.H. 1181 (1767-8 A.D.); but near the middle, at the close of the account of the Kalhoras, we have later dates several times mentioned, extending to the year A.H. 1188.

The author quotes as his authorities all the native histories noticed in the preceding articles; and in the accounts of the saints we find incidentally mentioned the Jawáhiru-l Aulyá, the Hadíkatu-l Aulyá, the Ma'lámátu-l Áfák, and the Taghíratu-l Murád. Some other authors quoted in the body of the work are obtained at second hand.

Extracts from the Tuhfatu-l Kirám have been given by Lt. Postans in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numbers

[p.329]: lxxiv., 1838, and clviii., 1845. In the latter we have the portion relating to the Arab conquest of Sind, which, as before mentioned, is abstracted from the Chach-náma.

The Tuhfatu-l Kirám is the title of one of the works of the celebrated Jalálu-d din Soyútí, according to the Parisian catalogue of his writings given in G. Fluegel's edition of Hájí Khalfa's Lexicon Bibliographicum, Vol. vi. pp. 665-679.

[Sir H. Elliot's copy consists of three volumes quarto. Vol. I., measuring 11 in. by 8 in., contains 746 pages. Vol. II., 889 pages, of 17 lines each. Vol. III. is a little larger (12 in. by 8 1/2 in.), and contains 242 pages, of 25 lines each, in a much smaller hand There is also a new copy of Vol. III.]

EXTRACTS.

The Sindian Ordeals

The Sindian Ordeal of Fire :

Some customs have obtained from of old among the inhabitants of Sind,1 which, although they spring from ignorance, their practice is specially observed by them.

When a person is suspected of any grave offence, and desires to purge himself of the charge, he offers to pass through the flames of a large fire, like a salamander, and come out of it unharmed, like Khalíl. In the story of Sassí and Márúí we shall have an instance of this ordeal.

Another ordeal, still practiced among the most ignorant, is that of taking up a red-hot spade, and this will also be noticed in the story of Márúí. Green leaves of a tree are tied on to the hand of the suspected person with raw thread, and an iron spade, heated to redness, being then placed on his palm, he must carry it for several paces quickly; and it has often been seen that neither the thread nor the leaves have been in the slightest degree affected by the heat of the red-hot iron, although when cast to the ground it scorched it

[p.330]: like the sand in the oven of a parcher of grain. Verily this is by the virtue of Truth, for if otherwise, how is it that such fire does not burn the hand?

A modern story runs thus:-A woman stole a pair of shoes belonging to the wife of a certain horseman, but denied the theft. When the time approached for undergoing the ordeal of the hot iron, she artfully concealed the shoes in a basket filled with cotton; and making it seem as if the carrying that were her business at the moment, entered the assembly, and handing it to the horseman's wife, asked her to take charge of it during the ordeal. She then said, "The truth is, I did find a pair of shoes belonging to so and so, and I have made them over to the owner! By the same token I now take up this red-hot spade." She took it up unharmed, and was then purged of the charge. The complainant then angrily threw the basket on the ground, and, as Truth is sure to prevail, the trick of this artful woman was exposed.

The Ordeal of Water: A stout post is fixed in deep water, the accused is then told to dive to the bottom, and stay by the post. One of the company shoots an arrow to a long distance, and another person goes and brings this arrow back. The post is then shaken; if the accused be innocent, he will, up to that time, by holding his breath, have been able to remain at the bottom, and on this signal he will come up to the surface. But if guilty, he cannot any how stay so long under water.

Incantations: Furthermore, several of the people of this country practise magic and incantations. For instance, they can roguishly transfer their neighbour's curds to their own stock, as the following instance will show. A respectable man relates that he was the guest of a woman residing in a village, and that she had but the curds of the milk of one cow. However, about the time she was going to make the butter, she stepped over to a neighbour's house on pretence of fetching fire, and there the woman of the house had a large dish of curds before her, which she was preparing to make into butter; the

[p.331]: witch wrought her spells, and retraced her steps, and from the curds of the milk of her one cow she made about ten times the usual quantity of butter!

Osteomancy : The science called Shána1 is known to some of the hill-people, who are called "Mánsing." From certain indications on a fresh shoulder-blade, they learn what they wish to know, and it comes to pass accordingly. A party of hill men, driven from their homes by fear of their enemy, were pursuing their way. Having yet gone but a little distance, the Mánsing said that he saw from his Shána that they were hotly pursued by troops, and that there was no escape except by artifice. The party were ordered to empty all the leathern water-bags on the ground, and then to pass over the spot. It so chanced that a Mánsing was also among the enemy's forces; he, too, consulted his Shána for intelligence of the fugitives. It showed him that they had crossed over a stream. This disheartened the pursuers, who turned back, and thus the former were saved. This is but a slight illustration of what this tribe can do by the use of the Shána.

Another Custom.-Several ropes, confusedly entangled, are thrown on to the ground, and their unravelment reveals secret things.

Other Sindian Customs:-Liver-eaters-Trackers-Ornithocritics.

There are also women who feed on liver,2 and foretell things to come, as will be shown in the history of Mirzá Muhammad Bákí.3

Again, there is the science of Jogní; this is chiefly in vogue with women. An example of it will be shown in the history of Ráí Dáhir.

There is a tribe entitled Bawaratiya, who go about in the guise of beggars, professing to explain mysteries and past events, and thereby deceive men. They also make predictions of the future, which seldom come true.

Some men are so skilful in the art of tracking footprints, that

[p.332]: they can tell whether they belong to men or women, strangers or acquaintances, old or young; so also they can distinguish the prints of horses, camels, oxen, and buffaloes. They can pursue the tracks of thieves over hills and through deserts, and possibly they can even follow them through water.

Again, there is a tribe in the Kach district, who can prognosticate good or evil from the call of the partridge, and they can likewise predict the good or bad fortune of travellers from the cries and calls of other birds and beasts. A person relates-"I was journeying with a party, one of whom said, 'I must hurry on; do you follow at your convenience, for I find, from the cry of a bird, that guests have arrived at my house, and also that such and such a friend has just died'-and, indeed, so it proved."

Some of the marvels of this country will be found described under their proper heads; and the wonders of the hills will be mentioned towards the end of the narrative.

* * * * * * *

The story of Sassí and Pannún

A Brahman named Náníya, and his wife Mundhar, people of consideration, who dwelt at Bhámbaráwáh, subject to the authority of Dalú Ráí, were desirous of having a child born to them. After a while they were blessed with a daughter, the envy of the full moon. It was revealed to her parents that she was destined to be married to a Musulmán. Dreading this family disgrace, the parents, with wounded hearts, enclosed that unique pearl in a box-her shell, as it were-and cast it into the river. The current chanced to carry it to the city of Bhambúr, where there lived a washerman named Nahiya, who was also styled Lála; he had 500 apprentices, but not one child. When the box came into some of the apprentices' possession, they took it to their master, who opened it, and this moon1 of God's power shone out therefrom. He called her Sassí,2 which signifies "moon," and adopted her as his own. As she grew up, the lancet of her love pierced the hearts of beauty's flower-

[p.333]: cullers. Every one who saw her wished she was his own, and all people surrendered their hearts to her; wherever she seated herself men crowded round her like the cluster of the Pleiades, and hovered around her like the constellation of the Eagle. At that time the caravans of Kích and Makrán arrived in those parts with a variety of merchandize, and the praises of this "piece of the moon" were conveyed to the ears of Pannún, son of the Chief of Kích. He lost his heart, and repaired to Bhambúr in the guise of a merchant, where he saw Sassí, and was much enamoured. By good fortune the seeker found a place in the heart of the sought; then in the hope of meeting her, he became one of her father's apprentices, and dressed himself as a washerman. I leave out many incidents to avoid prolixity; but the short of it is, that Sassí returned his love with more than equal ardour.

A goldsmith's wife, who longed to gratify her amorous inclinations, sought to bring about the separation of these two lovers, by exciting Pannún's jealousy. The devoted Sassí came out of it unsullied, like gold from the raging fire, and became an example to the world. After a while these two lovers were married. Pannún's father on learning this, desired his other sons to bring back the infatuated one by some means or other. They went and had an interview with Pannún, and became his guests. At night-fall, without his waking, they bound him on a camel, and set off towards their own country. Towards morning Sassí awoke, and found that she had been robbed of her living treasure. No longer mistress of herself she tore her garments in despair, and set off alone in quest of her lost one. With the feet of affection she traversed the rugged hills, and after accomplishing a distance of about forty kos, she fell exhausted from thirst, and was convulsed, striking her feet on the ground in the agony of death. By the power of God a pool full of water was produced, of which she drank, and found fresh strength. Persons say that the pool remains full of water to this day, and is never dry, even though no rain should fall for years. It is said, that Sassí had seen these things in a dream, on the night on which she was presented with henna, (at her marriage). The branch of henna which she had slept with in her hand according to custom, and which she retained

[p.334]: after she awoke, and which she carried with her, she now planted on this hill; by the power of God the branch grew to be a tree, and still remains a monument of that bleeding heart.

Not to be tedious, after being thus refreshed, Sassí hurried forward, and accomplished six or seven kos further through the same hills, when she was again distressed by thirst. A shepherd accidentally espied her from a distance, and cast longing eyes on her, and approaching, desired to carry her off. Thereupon she upbraided him with injustice, and requested that he would, at least, procure some refreshment for her, thirsty and tired as she then was, before taking her off. The shepherd hastened to his flock to get some milk. While this was going on, Sassí, who despaired of finding any trace of her lover, and finding herself thus fallen into evil, vented the anguish of her heart before the Almighty (who is the comforter of the helpless), and put up a petition for protection against that demon of the desert. Instantly, by the divine power, the hill was rent asunder, and gave a place to that half dead and stricken lover, like a ruby lying in the matrix; and, as a warning and memorial, a corner of her scarf was left visible. When the shepherd returned with the milk, and saw this instance of Divine power, he repented himself, and raised a tomb of stones over her, according to custom.

The tellers of love stories, which cut the heart like sharp diamonds, relate that when Pannún, all in chains, was carried before his father, his restlessness began to shew itself to such a degree that his father was alarmed for his life, and, there being no help for it, he desired his brothers to go with him, and in any way that could be managed, restore his beloved to him. As they were travelling back, Pannún arrived at the place where Sassí was entombed, and seeing the fresh traces, stood amazed. The mutual attraction of hearts revealed this to him. For outward evidence he set about inquiring into the circumstances. The shepherd before spoken of happened to arrive just then, and related everything as it had occurred. Pannún instantly dismounted from his camel, and begged his brothers to wait one moment, as he wished to pay a pilgrim's visit to this tomb. Then, having thrown himself upon it, he cried aloud to the Almighty, beseeching that he might be joined to his love.

[p.335]: As no petitioner before God is ever left without hope, so by His power the hill at once opened and admitted Pannún. He and his mistress were thus encased, as it were, like twin almonds in one shell. The loves of these two, both lovers and both beloved, are still chanted in verses by the Sindians, at a place called Husainí, and people thus seek and find a mode by which they may soar from wordly affection to spiritual love.1

In truth, this narrative has a wonderful effect on the hearers and narrators, and Mír M'asúm, of Bhakkar, has wrought it into a poem, entitled "Husn o Náz" (or beauty and blandishment); and Kází Murtazá Sorthí, a resident of the village of Katiána, composed a poem, of a peculiar rhythm, on it in the reign of Muhammad Sháh Bádsháh.

He relates this story:-A Darwesh named Ism'aíl, an inhabitant of Multán, came on a pilgrimage to see these two wonderful persons of the world of love and affection, and having left his camel at a distance, sat down and fasted three days, in the hope of seeing the two lovers. At the end of that time an old woman appeared to him, bringing some bread and water, but he flatly refused to eat or drink till he had seen Sassí and Pannún. She replied that she was Sassí, and desired him not to expect to see Pannún, for there was no dependance to be placed on things of this world, and that she was harassed by her kindred, who had reduced her to that condition. The Darwesh said-"How can I believe this, for Sassí was young and beautiful, and thou art an old crone." On these words, she was transfigured to her pristine beauty and youth, and she bade him eat something. The Darwesh said, "I will rather die of hunger than eat before I have seen both of you: thus have I vowed." After repeated adjurations, Sassí descended into the grave, and showed Pannún as far as his waist, but she herself encircled him all the while with both arms, for fear some one should carry him off. In short, many elders of pure heart have thus seen them. That road is not passable for any one riding a camel; but whosoever keeps awake by night at the tomb, is

[p.336]: feasted by an unseen hand, notwithstanding that the place is an utter desert.

The Genealogy of the Jats and Bulúchis

Muhammad, son of Hárún Makrání, who will be noticed in the series of governors of Makrán, and who, at the time of the conquest of Sind, accompanied Muhammad Kásim as far as Armanbela, where he died and was buried, was, as appears from the genealogical table of the family, a grandson of Muhammad, son of Abán, son of 'Abdu-r Rahím, son of Hamza, son of 'Abdu-l Matlab.

Abdu-l Matlab → Hamza → Abdu-r Rahím → Abán → Muhammad →

Once on a time, the pursuit of some beast of the chase, carried the Amír Hamza (may the favour of God restore him!) a long distance into a desert, where he found himself in solitude. As the Almighty watches with a special providence over his chosen ones, a fairy appeared in that desert for Hamza's company, and by the divine permission, he consorted with her, and this dissipated his sense of loneliness and dreariness. The fairy afterwards, by the divine power, became invisible, and the Amír reached his own country.

The fairy bore a son by him, viz., 'Abdu-r Rahím. To be brief, Muhammad, son of Hárún, had fifty sons born to him from seven women, as follows:-

I. The first wife, Hamírí, bore-1. Ísá; 2. Mihrán; 3. Hajjáz; 4. Sahtak; 5. Bahrám; 6. Rustam; 7. Jalál.
II. His second wife bore-1. Mazíd; 2. Jamál; 3. Ráda; 4. Buhlol; 5. Shaháb; 6. Nizám; 7. Jalál; 8. Muríd.
III. Miriam bore-1. Rodín; 2. Músá; 3. Notí; 4. Núh; 5. Mandah; 6. Razíu-d dín.
IV. 'Aísha bore Jalál.
V. Muddí bore-1. Ádam; 2. Kamál; 3. Ahmad; 4. Humád; 5. Hámid; 6. Sa'íd; 7. Mas'úd.
VI. Fátima bore-1. Sher; 2. Koh; 3. Buland; 4. Gurg; 5. Núru-d dín; 6. Hasan; 7. Husain; 8. Sulaimán; 9. Ibráhím.
VII. Eve bore-1. 'Álam; 2. 'Alí; 3. Sarkash; 4. Bahádur; 5. Teghzan; 6. Mubárak; 7. Turk; 8. Zalha; 9. 'Arabí; 10. Shíráz; 11. Táju-d dín; 12. Gulistán-Barg.

After Hajjáj had subdued all opposition in Makrán, as is recorded, he died, and that principality was divided between the children of Jalál, who took one-half, and the other half was shared by all his brothers. After a short time contentions sprang up among

[p.337]: the brothers; the greater part of their descendants mixed with the people of the country and dwelt there, but the descendants of Jalálu-d dín, having been worsted, repaired to Sind and Kach, and their descendants are spread in numberless divisions throughout that country.

The Tribe of Lodh, also called Loli

Their origin is this, that king Sulaimán (the prophet, peace be to him!) sent a party of Genii to Rúm to purchase female slaves. On their return back, one of the Genii formed a connection with a girl named Loliá, who became pregnant by him. On king Sulai-mán hearing of this, he gave him the girl. The child was named Lodh, and his descendants, generation after generation, intermingled with the Arabs; and at the time of the conquest of Sind, came to dwell there,-or perhaps they may have come there before that period.

Genealogy of the Samma Tribe

Sám, as some affirm, was the son of 'Umar, son of Hashám, son of Abí Lahib; and according to others, he was the son of 'Umar, son of 'Akarma, son of Abí Jahl.

The title of Jám renders it probable that he was descended from Jamshíd. He is commonly considered to be the son of Núh. Jám, the son of Núh (peace be to him!), had four sons:-

1. Budhá, who had sixteen sons, among whom were Budh, Súra, Sahta, Akhíl, Autár, Ámra, Handír, and others, they were styled Rathor;
2. Sanká;
3. Hamhar;
4. Bhágirat, who had one son named Dera, whose son was Ajípár, whose son was Dasrat.
Dasrat had three wives, viz.,-Kasila, Kailiyá, and Simiyá;
by the first of these he had two sons, Rám and Lakhman;
the second bore Barat, and Símíá had Chatargun.
Sanká, son of Sám, also left descendants; and
Hamhar, son of Sám, had a son named Todar, and Barat,
son of Dasrat, had four sons, named Parihár, Jánsupá, Kúrícha, and Náhiya.
Chatargun, son of Dasrat, also had a son named Cháírá.
Lakhman, son of Dasrat, left no posterity.
Rám, son of Dasrat, left a son named Tawákas; he had a son named Átat, whose son was named Tattat; he had a son named Narkant,-his
[p.337]: son was Kan, and the city of Kan was so called from him; and
the son of Kan was styled Sambút Rájá, who had four sons-
1. Sám;
2. Barkarara, also called Sháh;
3. Hanrat, also called Dakan;
4. Máda.
Sám, the son of Sambút Rájá, had a son namad Jádam. Jádam had four sons:-
1. Haibat, whose son was Sind Samma;
2. Gajpat, whose son was Chughda;
3. Bhúpat, from whom the tribe of Bhattís sprung;
4. Chúrá Samma. His son was Ráí Daiyách, who became chief of Girnál, a fort in the district of Sorath, and famous for the pomp of his retinue. He sacrificed his head as a religious offering. His wife Sorath was devotedly attached to him. The strong affection of this couple, together with the story of the sacrifice, is the subject of a most affecting tale, still sung at Sorath.
Haibat, son of Jádam, son of Sám, son of Sambút, had a son named Rídarí, whose son was Nít, who had a son Nútiar, whose son was Audhár, whose son was Audh, whose son was Lákhiya, whose son was Lákha.
Lákha founded a kingdom, and having allied himself in marriage to Pothí Cháda, she brought him four sons. Of these
one was Audh, who died without issue, and whose place of residence was called Audh;
another was Mahir, he had four sons, viz.,-1. Satya; 2. Dítar Páthárí; 3. Darhá, who had no children; 4. Sánd, he also had no issue.
Lákha took to himself another wife in his old age, by whom he had also four sons, viz.,-
1. Unar;
2. Chhatta, who had three sons, Babra, Dankara, and Kalla;
3. Fahal, the father of the celebrated Lákha Fasláni;
4. Manáhia.
Unar, son of Lákha, had a son also called Lákha, whose son was called Samma. This Samma had two sons,-
1. Káka;
2. Jhakra.
The former became a ruler, and the district of Káka takes its name from him. :He had two sons-
1. Pallí;
2. Ráídan.
Masrak Samma one of Pallí's sons, became a chief.
Ráídan had nine sons-
1. Samma, from whom all the Samejas descend;
2. Nútiar, from whom sprang all the Núts;
3. Lákha, father of Lanjár;
4. Abra, who had a son called Dáhir;
5. Ná-híya;
6. Chanesar, who was a noted man of his time;
7. Manáhia;
8. Koría-the descendants of these three form the tribe of Mindra;
9. Pallí, who became a chief. Pallí had two sons-
1. Audh, whose
[p.339]: sons were Bahría and Adeja, who was called Gudaria Pútra (or the son of a shepherd);
2. Sánd, who became the head of a tribe of that name. Sánd had seven sons-
1. Káka, whose descendants are called Kakeja Pútra;
2. Jára;
3. Dera;
4. Janeja;
5. Hankúra, who had sons, Audheja, Jakia, Dúrhá, and Hankújá;
6. Dera, whose descendants are the Dera Samma, of Kach;
7. Jam Hothí, who had five sons:-
1. Hála, whose descendants are well known;
2. Hankúra, whose descendants are búmiyas of Dhúrí, Hankúra, Chár Hankúra, and Rám Deh, which places were founded by them;
3. Sáhir, whose descendants founded Sáhir Samma, and live there;
4. Chílária, whose descendants are the tribe of Nahria;
5. Jám Hápar, who had two sons, viz., Rahúja and Jám Júna; the latter had a son named Kar Ráhú, who had three sons-
1. Sánd, whose sons Rúhúma, Lákháita, and Jhakra;
2. Súmra, who left no issue;
3. Lákha Jám, who had a son called Káha, whose son was called Lákha.
Káha had also a posthumous son, who was also called Káha, after his father.
Lákha, son of Káha, brother of Káha before mentioned (sic) had twelve sons-
1. Jám Júna, whose descendants are the Samma kings of Sind, who dwelt at Sámúí, and who will be mentioned in their proper places;
2. Unar, who ruled in Bahria, and died without issue;
3. Pallí, from whom the Pallí Sammas descend;
4. Káha, from him are the Súdiári Sammas:
5. Auth,-the Auth Sammas, Sáhil Sammas, and Síkháwat Sammas, spring from him; :6. Jaisur, whose son was Bahia Piriá;
7. Mankar, who had no son;
8. Abra, the tribe of Abreja, are his descendants;
9. Hankúrá Kunwar;
10. Sultán Aut;
11. Ráídan;
12. Lákha.
Hankúra Kunwar had three sons-1. Dísar; 2. Manáhia; 3. Murádia.
Dísar had five sons-1. Káha; 2. Mála; 3. Rakan; 4. Hankúra; 5. Júna, who had also five sons- 1. Khoria; 2. Tájiá; 3. Abra; 4. Bulúch; 5. Pámbiya.* Such of the descendants of the latter as rested in Sind, will be mentioned in the history of the Samma kings.

Be it observed, that the Sammas are the owners of the land throughout Sind, as far as Guzerát, including also the greater part of Rájpú-tána, and they form the majority of the population of Sind.

The tribes of Bulúch and Jat, and some others already spoken of, are also

[p.340]: the ancient inhabitants of the land. Other tribes might be mentioned who succeeeded, or even preceded these, but for the sake of brevity, the writer of this book contents himself with specifying only what is actually necessary. Should any one desire a more minute narrative, let him pursue the investigation himself.

The Governors of Sind under the Ghaznivides and their Successors

The officers of Sultán Mas'úd possessed themselves of the country of Sind, in succession to those of Mahmúd. Then followed the officers of Maudúd, then the officers of Majdúd; next the officers of Sultán Kutbu-d Dín, and lastly, the officers of Árám Sháh, who are all severally described in the first and second volumes. During the reign of the latter king, his dominions were parcelled into four divisions: one of which comprising Multán, the whole of Sind, and Úch, became subject to Násiru-d dín Kabácha.

At that time the following seven Ránás in Sind were tributary to Multán:-

1. Ráná Buhnar Sa'ta Ráthor, of Dabra, in the district of Durbela;
2. Ráná Sanír, son of Dhamáj, of the tribe of Kureja Samma, residing in Túng, lying within the district of Rúpáh;
3. Jaisar, son of Jajji Máchhi Solankí, of Mániktara;1
4. Wakía, son of Pannún Channún, who was established in the valley of Síwí;
5. Channún, son of Díta, of the tribe of Channa, resident of Bhág-nai;
6. Jíya, son of Waríáh, of Jham, or Hemakot;
7. Jasodhan Ákra, of Mín-nagar district of Bámbarwá.

Further, when Láhore was taken by the officers of Táju-d dín Yaldúz, Malik Násiru-d dín Kabácha took refuge in the city of Multán; and towards the end of the year 626 H. (1229 A.D.) Malik Khán Khiljí and his people, became masters of the country of Síwistán. Sultán Shamsu-d dín Íltamsh, having deputed his minister Nizámu-l Mulk Muhammad, son of Asa'd, to besiege Úch, set out for Dehli. Úch surrendered quietly to Nizámu-l Mulk in A.H. 625 (1228 A.D.), and he then hastened to Bhakkar. Násiru-d dín fled, and the vessel of his life was swallowed in up the whirlpool of death. Sultán Shamsu-d dín became lord of Sind.

Núru-d dín Muhammad succeeded to the government in A.H. 630 (1233 A.D.) The Sultán Íltamsh died in A.H. 633 (1236 A.D.), and was succeeded

[p.341]: by Sultán Mas'úd Sháh. During the disturbed state of the country in his reign the army of the Moghals passed the Indus, and laid siege to Úch, but owing to the vigilance of Sultán Mas'úd they were repulsed and retired on Khurásán. Sultán Mas'úd left Malik Jalálu-d dín Muhammad as governor of Sind, in the room of Núru-d dín Muhammad. During his government, Násiru-d din Mahmúd, uncle of Sultán Mas'úd, inherited the throne and crown.

In A.H. 662 (1264 A.D.), Sultán Ghiásu-d dín ascended the throne of Dehlí, and gave over the provinces of Láhore, Multán and Sind to his son, Sultán Muhammad, who used to go every third year to pay his respects to his father, and stay one year.

In A.H. 682 (1283 A.D), Sultán Muhammad was slain in battle against the army of Changíz Khán, and his son Kai Khusrú was confirmed as successor to his father.

Sultán Jalálu-d dín Khiljí on his arrival at Láhore in A.H. 692 (1293 A.D.), assigned the government of Multán aud Úch to his son Arkalí Khán, and he appointed Nasrat Khan to the government of Sind.

In A.H. 695 (1296 A.D.), Sultán 'Alaú-d dín, despatched his brother Ulugh Khán to expel Arkalí Khán from his government, but, as usual, Nasrat Khán with 10,000 men retained possession of Multán, Úch, Bhakkar, Síwistán, and Thatta. In the beginning of 697 A.D. (1297 A.D.), the Saldáí Moghals from Sístán, arrived and possessed themselves of Síwistán, but Nasrat Khán vigorously attacked them and freed it. Towards the close of his reign, Sultán 'Alaú-d dín despatched Ghází Malik at the head of 10,000 horse to expel Changíz Khán's Moghals from Debálpúr and gave him Multán, Uch, and Sind in jágír.

Khusrú Khán, having watched his opportunity, deposed 'Alaú-d dín, and became master of the throne.1 Ghází Malik, marching up at the head of the Sind and Multán forces, expelled Khusrú Khán and seated himself in his place under the style and title of Sultán Ghiásu-d dín. At this interval, a number of the tribe of Súmra rose and possessed themselves of Thatta. Sultán Ghiásu-d dín deputed Malik Táju-d dín to Multán, and Khwája Khatír to Bhakkar, and Malik 'Ali Sher to Síwistán. Sometime after, when Kashkú Khan revolted in Multán, Sultan Muhammad Sháh, son of

[p.342]: Sultán Ghiásu-d dín, arrived at Multán in A.H. 728 (1328 A.D.) and put him down. Then having deputed trusty persons to Bhakkar and Siwistán, he returned. In A.H. 751 (1350 A.D.), while in pursuit of the slave Taghí,1 having traversed Guzerát and Kach, he arrived in the district of Thatta, and encamped at the village of Tharí on the banks of a river. From thence he removed in consequence of an attack of fever, to Gandal,2 where he got well. He then returned and encamped about four kos from Thatta, where he had a relapse of fever and died.

Sultán Fíroz Sháh succeeded him. Taghí, who was at Thatta, on learning this, hastened to give battle at the head of the tribes of Súmra, Járeja, and Samma, but was defeated. The Sultán quitted the environs of Thatta on the first day of the month of Safar of the above year, and ordered a fort to be built on the river Sánkra; and Amír Nasr was left there with 1000 horse. He founded a city called Nasrpúr, and Malik Bahrám was made ruler of it, and the surrounding districts. Bahrámpúr was named after him. Malik 'Alí Sher, and Malik Táj Káfúrí were left in Siwistán, and the Sultán went to Bhakkar. He appointed Malik Ruknu-d dín his vicegerent, and Malik 'Abdu-l Azíz as minister of finance, and garrisoned the fort with a body of chosen troops. He conferred the title of Ikhlás Khán on Malik Ruknu-d dín, and entrusted him with the affairs of all Sind. He then went to Dehli. In A.H. 772 (1370 A.D.), after the conquest of Nagarkot he proceeded to Thatta, whose chief, Jám Khairu-d dín retired to a fort upon the water, and there collected troops. Scarcity of provisions, and superabundance of mosquitos, forced the Sultán to return to Thatta. Jám Khairu-d dín submitted, came in, and paid his respects. The Sultán carried him towards Dehlí with all the other Zamíndárs, and when near Sihwán, upon learning that the Jám intended to flee, he had him put in chains. Sometime after this, he invested Jám Júna, son of Khairu-d dín with a khil'at, and appointed him to his father's post.

In A.H. 790 (1388 A.D.), Fíroz Sháh died, and was succeeded on the throne of Dehli by Sultán Tughlik Sháh. Then followed Sultán

[p.343]: Abú Bakr, Sultán Muhammad Sháh, Sultán Sikandar Sháh, and then Sultán Násiru-d dín, who sent Sárang Khan to take possession of Debálpúr, Multán, and Sind.1

In A.H. 800 (1397 A.D.), Mirza Pír Muhammad, grandson of Amír Tímúr, crossed the river (Indus) and laid siege to the fort of Úch. Malik 'Alí, who was there on behalf of Sárang Khán, kept him in check for a month, and Sárang Khán despatched Málik Táju-d dín to his aid with 4000 men. Mirzá Pír Muhammad then raised the siege, marched from Úch, and defeated him. He then commenced the siege of Multán. After a siege of six months, Sárang Khán yielded and surrendered Multán. About this time, A.H. 801 (1398 A.D.), Tímúr himself arrived at Multán. From this time dates the downfall and cessation of the authority of the Sultáns of Dehli over the governors of Sind, who raised the standard of independence, as will be now related.

The Tribe of Súmra

A portion of this tribe had got possession of parts of Sind before the time above-mentioned, so that the whole term of their authority may be reckoned at 550 years. Historians-observing their first appearance after the Ál-i Tamím, who were the last governors on the part of the 'Abbásides-date the rule of the tribe from that time. When, as we have related, the administration of the greater part of Sind was held by the officers of the Ghaznivide and Ghorí kings, this tribe enjoyed full and undivided power. They sprang from the Arabs of Sámra, as has been mentioned before, who arrived in Sind in the fourth century of the Hijra.

It is said that Chhota Amrání, brother of Dalú Ráí Amrání, was so much grieved at his brother's injustice which occasioned the ruin of the city of Alor, and clouded the prosperity of the city of Bhám-bará, that he repaired to Baghdád and obtained from the Khalif 100 Arabs of Sámra whom, with the 'Ulamáí Músawí, he brought to Sind, of whom more hereafter. At last, Dalú Ráí submitted to the Saiyid and gave him his daughter in marriage. The Saiyid settled in Sind, and left descendants, and the town of Mut'alwí is their abiding place.

[p.344]: In short, as we have before said, in A.H. 720 (1320 A.D.) Ghází Malik march on Dehli, with an army collected from Multán and Sind, and overthrew Khusrú Khán. Then, ascending the throne, he assumed the style and title of Ghiásu-d din Tughlik Sháh, and devoted himself to the government of his new dominions.

The Súmras then collected a force from the neighbourhood of Tharí, and placed a man named Súmra on the throne. He settled the frontier of his country, and married the daughter of a zamíndár named Sád, who had set up a claim to independence. To him was born a son named Bhúngar, who on his death succeeded him in the government. After him, his son Dúdá brought the country as far as Nasrpúr into his possession. Dúdá died, leaving a son of tender age, named Singhár, so Tárí, daughter of Dúdá, took the government into her hands, but made it over to her brother when he arrived at years of discretion. Singhár pushed his way in the direction of Kach, and subjected the country as far as Báng-nai. He left no son, so his wife Hemú appointed her brothers to the government of the cities of Túr and Tharí. After a brief interval, a Súmra named Dúdá, who was ruling in the fort of Dhak, assembled his brethren from all sides, and extirpated the brethren of Hemú. At this juncture Dádu Phatú, a descendant of Dúdá, rebelled, and collecting a foreign force, he for some time carried on the government. After him, Khairá became ruler. Then Armíl became the master of the state. So the Sammas rebelled and slew him. This happened in the year 752 Hijra (1351 A.D.).

The history of this family, from its rise to its fall, the number of its princes, and the causes of its decline, are very discordantly narrated. Thus the Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh says that when the sovereignty was inherited by 'Abdu-r Rashíd, son of Mahmúd, of Ghazní, it was soon perceived that he was lethargic and weak-minded. The men of Sind were therefore refractory and rebellious, and in the year 445 Hijra (1053 A.D.), the men of Súmra collected in the vicinity of Tharí, and raised a man named Súmra to the seat of government. This man reigned independently for a long period, and, marrying the daughter of a zamíndár named Sád, he died leaving a son named Bhúngar as his successor. Bhúngar, son of Súmra, reigned fifteen years, and died in the year 461 Hijra (1069 A.D.)

[p.345]: His son Dúdá succeeded, and reigned twenty-four years, dying in 485 Hijra (1092 A.D). After him Singhár reigned fifteen years; Khafif, thirty-six years; 'Umar, forty years; Dúdá, the second, fourteen years; Phatú, thirty-three years; Genhra,1 sixteen years; Muhammad Túr, fifteen years; Genhra,2 several years; Dúdá,2 fourteen years; Táí,2 twenty-four years; Chanesar, eighteen years; Bhúngar, fifteen years; Khafíf, eighteen years; Dúdá, twenty-five years; 'Umar Súmra, thirty-five years; Bhúngar, ten years. Hamír then succeeded, but he was a tyrant, and the Samma tribe overthrew him. The rise of this family is related in various ways, and several rulers are mentioned beside those above enumerated; their fall, also, is described in many incongruous ways. 'Umar Súmra gave his name to the fort of 'Umarkot.

The Story of Múmal and Mendra

One of the most remarkable events of his (Hamír Súmra's) time is the story of Múmal and Mendra, which is told thus:-

A woman named Múmal, of the family of the Gújar chiefs, on the death of her father, ruled over his lands, and built a lofty palace on the outskirts of the city, outside which she, by magic art, conducted a stone canal like a river across the entrance of the palace; and she planted two life-like lions of terrible aspect, cut in stone, at the doorway, and within the ordinary sitting-room seven sofas were placed, covered with stuff of one design, six of which coverings were made of unspun thread, and underneath each sofa a deep well was dug. She then caused it to be given out that she would choose for her husband him who should pass the river and the lions, and sagaciously seat himself on the right seat. Many men were tempted to a trial, but none attained their object; nay, they stepped into the well of annihilation.

One day, Hámir Súmra went out hunting with three of his suite, one of whom was Ráná Mendra, his minister's wife's brother. He happened to meet a travelling Jogí, who so extolled the beauty of Múmal, that Hámir Súmra felt a great desire to see her. Taking his attendants with him, they turned their heads to the direction

[p.346]: indicated, and on reaching its vicinity put up within view of the palace. Múmal, on learning of their arrival, despatched a sharp slave girl to ascertain their quality, and bring the most important person of the party to be hospitably entertained.

First Hamír went with the girl, but she outstripped him; and he, on beholding that deep imaginary river, returned without attaining his object, and for very shame said nothing. The next night the girl came again, and bade one of the other strangers accompany her, but he also returned as Hamír had done. On the third night, the same thing happened to the third man. On the fourth night, Ráná Mendra set out with the girl, and when she wished to precede him, according to her custom, he seized the skirt of her garment, and put her behind, saying that it was not proper for slave girls to precede their masters. When he reached the visionary river he was puzzled for a moment. On sounding the depth of the water with the lance which he had in his hand, he found it had no real existence. He at once passed over, and saw the lions at the gate, but throwing his spear at them, he found they were not really alive.

He then pursued his object, entered the palace, and went into the sofa room; there he saw seven sofas or thrones, all of the same kind, and thought to himself that one of them must be especially intended to sit on, and that perhaps there was some deception about them. He then probed each with his spear, found out the substantial one, and sat down cross-legged upon it. The girl informed Múmal of the circumstances, and of his sagacity. She instantly came out, they were mutually pleased with each other, and the marriage knot was firmly tied. Mendra passed the night in rapturous enjoyment, and repaired early in the morning to the presence of Hamír and his friends, to whom he related his adventures. Hamír said, "As the woman has now become your own, you must be pleased to let me see her once." Accordingly, at night, Mendra took Hamír with him, dressed as a shepherd. Hamír bore the Ráná some ill-will for having set aside the respect due to him; he therefore carried him off to his own city, and placed him under arrest. As Mendra had given his heart to Múmal, he, with the privity of his guards, every night secretly mounted

[p.347]: a very swift she-dromedary, who could perform five ordinary day's journey and back again in a single night, and having seen his beloved, and enjoyed the charms of her company, returned to his prison.

It chanced that one night Múmal had gone to see her sister. Mendra returned, and suspecting something wrong, became dis¬pleased, and gave up going any more. The innocent Múmal was greatly distressed at Mendra's displeasure, and quitted her own residence and country. Having arrived at the city where Mendra dwelt, she built a palace adjoining his, and had windows placed opposite to his windows that she might sometimes see him. Mendra, shrouded in displeasure, closed his windows on that side, and Múmal then built a palace opposite another face of Mendra's, and so on, opposite to each of its four faces, but did not succeed in seeing her beloved. At last, when Múmal saw that Mendra had entirely averted the face of regard from her, she breathed a sigh of anguish, and, wounded by despair, gave up her life. Intelligence of this was conveyed to Mendra, and since a lover powerfully affects the heart of the beloved, and as the attraction of hearts in the world of unity tends to one and the same object, he instantly, on hearing these lamentable tidings, sighed and expired. This story is sung in Sindí verse at certain established places, and religious devotees are transported to raptures and heavenly visions of Divine love, on hearing it. A certain Mullá Mukím has written this story in Persian verse, and called it "Tarannum-i 'Ishk," or the song of love.1

Story of Chanesar and Lailá

A girl named Kaunrú, daughter of the powerful and renowned Raná Khangár was betrothed to her cousin. Being incomparably beautiful, the young lady gave herself great airs among her associates. At that time no one could be compared to Chanesar, of Dewal, for beauty of person, store of wealth, extent of territory, or force of authority, and an alliance with him was earnestly desired by many beauties. One day a girl named Jamní, one of

[p.348]: Kaunrú's companions, said to her, tauntingly, "Perhaps you entertain thoughts of being married to Chanesar, since you practice so many fine airs, and are so affected." This taunt pierced Kaunrú's heart, and without even having seen Chanesar's face, she became desperately in love with him, and almost beside herself. When Marghín, her mother, found this out, she apprised Ráná Khangár of it. As a matrimonial alliance with Chanesar was the greatest honour of the day, and there seemed no way of accomplishing that except by stratagem, the Ráná advised Marghín to take their daughter in the garb of a merchant to Chanesar's town, without letting any one know of her so doing, and before Kaunrú should become the victim of despair, and thus perhaps Chanesar himself might become ensnared in the net of good contrivance. Agreeably to this recommendation, Marghín set out with her daughter and some merchandize, crossed the river Parpat, and leaving her own country of Dhat, soon entered the Dewal territory, and arrived at the city where Chanesar lived. She sent a message through a gardener's wife, to Jhakra, Chanesar's Wazír, intimating her desire for a union. Chanesar-devoted to Lailá, whose beauty and charms might excite the jealousy of the celebrated Lailá-returned for answer that he wished for none but Lailá, bade the gardener's wife beware of bringing more such messages to him, and directed the new comers to be sent away, lest Lailá should hear of them, and be annoyed. On being informed of this, Marghín sold her merchandise, and went one day into the presence of Lailá, in the garb of a poor stranger beggar woman, saying:-"Adverse circumstances have driven me and my daughter far from our own country; in spinning thread we have no equals, if you will kindly take us as your slaves, we will so serve you as to merit general approval." Lailá took them both, and was pleased with their work. After some time, the arrangements of Chanesar's bedchamber became Kaunrú's special charge. Kaunrú one night thought of her own country, and of her splendid position there, and her eyes filled with tears. Chanesar, seeing this, asked her what was the matter. She answered that she had raised the wick of the lamp, and then scratched her eye with the hand with which she did it, which brought the tears into her eye. On hearing this,

[p.349]: Lailá was very pressing to learn the truth, and Kaunrú, after much pressing, said, "The truth is, I am the daughter of a sovereign, of such wealth, that the lustre of his jewels serves him for night-lights; hence the smoke of the lamp confused my brain, and the recollection of past days entered my head, and I wept that they were no more." Lailá asked her for proof of the truth of this pre¬tension; she instantly produced a most delicate dress, such as Lailá had never seen, with a necklace worth nine lakhs of rupees. Lailá was charmed with such precious rareties, and desired to have them. Kaunrú and Marghín said, "We will give them on condition that you give us Chanesar for one night." As most women are wanting in understanding, she agreed to the terms, and one night, when Chanesar was drunk, she made him over to Kaunrú. Chanesar passed the entire night in unconsciousness, and when he awoke in the morning, was astonished at finding who it was he had in his bosom. Kaunrú's mother was all night on the alert as to what should happen. Finding in the morning that her daughter's object was not accomplished, she began muttering from behind the curtain, "how strange it is that Lailá should sell such a husband as Chanesar for a mere necklace! and that he should be ignorant of this; it is not fitting that a man should again consort with such a wife." Chanesar hearing this, looked lovingly on Kaunrú; she told him the whole particulars of her story from beginning to end. He then said:-"Since the case is thus, be of good heart, for I am no more Lailá's, and I will love you with my whole heart."

On Lailá hearing of what had taken place, all her stratagems were futile, her constant union was changed to utter separation After the lapse of a long time, she returned to her paternal village, and passed her time in solitude. Before this affair, a girl from the family of Lailá had been betrothed to the minister Jhakra; but after what had happened to Lailá her relations would not give the girl to him. As he was bent on the match, he tried many devices to bring about the marriage, but all in vain. Lailá sent word to him that if he could by any means contrive to bring Chanesar with him, she would pledge herself his desired marriage should take place.

On receiving this message, Jhakra, with much ado, persuaded Chanesar to accompany him to Lailá's village. Lailá changed her

[p.350]: dress, and putting on the garb of a woman who bears the message of assignation, veiled her face, and entered the presence of Chanesar, when she spoke reproachfully of the relation in which he stood to Lailá. During the conversation, she played off some coquettish airs, and captivated Chanesar without his knowing who she was. As all Chanesar's abandonment of Lailá, and unkindness too, arose from jealousy, and he was in reality as much attached to her as ever, on the remembrance of the joys of the time of his union with her he became beside himself, and said, "O sweet-tongued girl! thou thyself art the rarest of beauties! How long wilt thou talk of Lailá? Speak to me of thyself, for my heart yearns to thee!" She replied: "How can the heart love one faithless as thou?" On hearing her speech, Chanesar wished to tear her veil off; but Lailá, who was herself her own messenger, at the very height of his ardour, unveiled herself with her own hand. When Chanesar saw that she was indeed Lailá, he suddenly drew a cold sigh from his sorrowful heart and expired. On seeing this, Lailá, too, uttered one groan and fell down lifeless. The pair were burned according to custom, and their strange story is well remembered by the people, and is the theme of a popular and moving song in the Sindí tongue. Idra'ki Beg-Lár composed a Persian poem on this story; the present writer, for fear of prolixity, has satisfied himself with relating thus much of it.

Nawwáb Muríd Khán

He was by birth the son of a Rája, and newly converted to the Muhammadan faith. In the year 1099 H. (1688 A.D.) corresponding with the 31st of the reign, he was appointed to the government of Thatta. It is said, that several thousand Rájpúts accompanied him. When he arrived at the ferry, he learnt that it was necessary to pass through the butcher's shambles where cows were slaughtered, before he could reach the citadel. So he despatched a message to Kází Muhammad Husain, the Kází of the city, saying that he had with him a large body of Hindú Rájpúts, and requesting him to remove the shops of the cow-slaying butchers from the passage of the

[p.351]: bazar, lest they should give offence to his followers, and some disturbance should arise. As the institutions of the king, the defender of the law, were not tolerant of the threats and menaces of such persons, the most worshipful Kází, that very night, directed the butchers to double the number of their usual stalls, and place them on both sides of the roads. When the governor heard of this, seeing it would be useless to act in opposition to His Majesty, the defender of the faith, he was compelled to pass according to the fashion observed by his predecessors. He remained two years in Thatta, during which his army gave much trouble to the Musulmáns. Upon a representation made by the chief residents, a royal order was received directing him to abandon his ridiculous crotchets and consider himself removed from the government of Musulmáns. When he was dismissed, he remained for some time at the fort of Tughlikábád, better known as Kalánkot, as he found the air suited to the complaint under which he was suffering, of weakness of sight. The king, out of regard to him, did not oppose this arrangement, but when his successor arrived at Thatta, he was summoned to the court. Some of the present defences and buildings of the fort of Tughlikábád are of his construction.

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