The Life and Conditions of The Jats in the Region of Sind through the Eighth to the Eleventh Century A.D.
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Note: Prof. Prof. Iqtidar Hussin Siddiqui has contributed this article in The Jats, Vol. II, Ed. Dr Vir Singh, Delhi, 2006. pp. 31-36. Here is reproduced this article for research and analysis.
Introduction
The aim of this paper is, first, to discuss the geography of the region of Sind on the eve of its conquest by the Arabs in 712 AD, and then analyse the evidence contained in the contemporary Arabic and Persian sources about the life and conditions of the Jat community of Sind as well as their rise as a new social formation under the Arab rule. The Jats seem to have lived in sizeable number in every territorial unit in the region of Sind.
Regions of Hind and Sind
The early medieval Arab geographers and historians mention the region of Sind as a political entity, separate from the rest of India called Hind. Al-Biladhuri's1 Sind stretched from the Peshawar valley in the north to the sea-port of Debul in the South, encompassing the entire basin of the river Indus. Thus the parts of Makran (modern Balochistan province in Pakistan) were also included in it. The population of this vast region on the eve of Arab invasion seems to have been divided between the followers of Brahmanism and Buddhism, belonging to different ethnic groups. The central and lower Sind were predominantly inhabited by Tribes and Tribal castes, such as Sammas, Summera and Jats. The Sammas and Summeras followed Buddhism and seem to have resided in the towns while Jats were cultivators, living in the countryside. In the territory of Lohana2, which was directly ruled over by the Brahmin King, the Jats including samma and summera tribes lived under certain restrictions imposed upon them. We may now analyse the relevant evidence available in our sources about Jats living in different territorial units.
Arab invasion
The first place that the Arab invaders invested and captured was the port of Debul. As for Nerun3, its ruler had already got into alliance
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with the Arabs even before the capture of Debul. He supplied all help to the Arabs. During his march from Nerun for the conquest of northern territories, the Arab commander, Muhammad bin Qasim is reported to have had encounter with Jats in different territories and made peace with them. The nature of information varies from place to place, casting light on the position of Jats in each place. For example, when the Arabs moved to Ishbahar4, the local people dug a deep ditch all around the fortification, brought the Jats (jatan plural) and other villagers, living on the Western Side of the Indus and prepared to fight. The conflict of arms between the besiegers and the besieged lasted for a few days and then the latter made peace. The Jats who are mentioned as famous swords men were granted safe conduct and general amnesty was proclaimed.5 From Ishbahar, the Arab invader moved towards Ravar6, an important provincial headquarters, held by Moka, a Buddhist Chief. The latter also joined the Arab army against Dahir. The defection by Moka caused anxiety to Dahir because Moka could help the Arabs to cross the Indus. Dahir consulted Mohammad Al-Alafi who had revolted in Makran against Hajjaj, the governor general and sought refuge with Dahir. Mohammad Al-Alafi gave the following advice that the invader should not be allowed to cross and be resisted across the river.
- "The boats men and the Jats of the countryside be assigned the duty to block the line of supply, the fodder, food grains, fuel wood and cows should not reach the enemy's camp. They would guard the roads, arrest every one who moved out from the camp and killed him. The enemy should be harassed. They would suffer from the scarcity of food and fodder and face starvation. The scarcity of water, food grains and fodder would force them to take to flight. Their horses and horsemen would become helpless without essential commodities; they would retreat and then you would be free from any danger!"
All this tends to suggest that in the territory held by a Buddhist vassal of Dahir, the Jats were quite well of and assertive and the Arab refugee at Dahir's court knew their worth as fighters. But Dahir did not agree. He rather acted on the wrong advice of his wazir, Siyakar that the enemy should be allowed to cross the river because his arrival across the Indus would automatically cut him off from his supply line.7 This resulted in his destruction.
Likewise, the Jats living around Sehwan, the headquarters of the province of Siwistan submitted peacefully to the Arabs and an agreement was concluded.8 Their example was followed by the Jats in the neighboring province of Brahmanabad. They are said to have been the villagers and granted peace according to the instructions given by Hajjaj bin Yusuf, the governor general of Iraq, Iran, Khurasan and
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Makran. Hajjaj ordered Muhammad Bin Qasim to treat all people kindly and encourage them to cultivate land, in case they showed willingness to acquiesce to his authority.9
Jats of Lohana
As the territorial unit of Lohana was directly ruled over by Dahir, Muhammad Bin Qasim consulted the Brahmin Wazir, Siyakar who had transferred his allegiance to him as to what was the nature of relationship between Dahir and tribals in the countryside and how the Jats were dealt with. Siyakar told him:
- "The Jats of Lohana, including the Lakhas and Sammas were not permitted by Chach and Dahir to wear soft clothes or put on velvet (caps) .... They were also not allowed to ride on the horseback. They were also bound to take care of the travelers and provide them with safety from one tribe to the other. If anyone from amongst their men of position had to ride, he rode without saddle or reins. They used to put the coarse blanket on the horseback (instead of saddle) and sat on it. If any traveler was done harm on the way, the Jats of the area were held responsible and their chiefs had to compensate. The caravans moved day and night under their protection and guidance. Devoid of civility, they were people of savage disposition; they frequently revolted against the ruler and committed highway robberies. The Highwaymen and thieves operating between Debul and Lohana were in touch with them. They were therefore, charged with the duty of guarding the roads and supplying the fire wood for the royal kitchen."10
Muhammad Bin Qasim was thus made to believe that Samma, Summera, Lakha tribes and the Jats were deprived people and he left them as they were. He did not interfere with the life and culture of the Indians. By way of precaution, he followed the example of the second Caliph in dealing with unruly inhabitants in the rural areas of Syria that they would take care of the travelers who happened to pass through their territory and look after the traveler's comfort if he fell ill.11
Hodiwala rightly observes that the Brahman rulers applied the laws of Manu to Jats. That the Jats under the rule of Chach and Dahir were reduced to a state of serfdom.12 Commenting upon the above-quoted reference to the Jats in the Chachnama, Yohanan Friendman informs: "Responding to the submission of the Brahmans ... he re-appointed every one of them to the position which he had held under the deposed Hindu dynasty and stressed that these appointments were hereditary and would not be altered." However, this discriminatory treatment was meted out to the Jats and other tribes only in the Lohana region in lower Sind under the direct rule of Chach and his son and successor Dahir whereas in northern territories held by the vassal
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Buddhist chiefs, the Jats were free from all restrictions and disabilities imposed upon them.13 No doubt Muhammad Bin Qasim did not interfere with Hindu social system and also followed a reconciliatory policy to win over the confidence of high caste Hindus for consolidating his rule, yet the important socio-political changes that accompanied the introduction of Arab polity in Sind and Multan territories benefited the Jats also. A uniform administrative system under a bureaucracy was introduced in place of feudalism. The members of the new bureaucracy were transferred from one territory to the other.
The establishment of Arab rule in Sind
The establishment of Arab rule in Sind attracted traders from different lands. Thus the regions of Sind and Multan had become a high road for international trade between the Islamic world and the far-eastern countries.14 The foreign trade also led to the introduction of new crafts as well as the modification of indigenous ones, Highly urbanised people, the Arabs founded new urban centres the gates of which were thrown open to all irrespective of birth or creed. The cash-nexus became widespread owing to the expansion of agriculture and horticulture.
The Islamic principle that all mankind is one had a civilizing effect on people in the region under the Arab rule. All this seems to have influenced the caste mentality of the Sindis at large because certain tribes and caste, such as the summeras, sammas and Jats began to move up the social ladder and ultimately became politically assertive in due course of time in lower Sind also. The Jat revolt against Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna in 1025 indicates that by this time they had got into performance. They were the supporters of the Islamaili local ruler of Sind whom Sultan Mahmud had destroyed. It is probable that some of their chiefs had entered the fold of Islam under the influence of Ismaili dais (preachers). The Ismailis captured power in Sind and Multan in 985 AD.15
It is, however, worth recalling that the Jat rebels against Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni are described by the Ghaznavid writers as non-Muslims. They were the only people in Sind who fell on the Sultan's retreating army from Gujrat (1025 AD) and inflicted heavy losses on it. The loss suffered by the army was great and, therefore, the Sultan had to march against them from Ghazana after great preparation in 1027. The Sultan had fourteen hundred war boats built in the Panjab to fight the Jats. The Jats too came in their boats but were defeated with heavy losses.16 The following couplet from the qasida (panegyric) composed by the contemporary poet, Farukhi, pays a left-handed compliment to the vanquished Jats:
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- "I have seen the catching of water fowls and fish in the river, (but) through (i.e. the Sultan) has hunted black lions (i.e. the brave Jats) in the river this year. "17
In the end it may be pointed out that the overthrow of the Brahman rule in Sind and that of the Rajputs in the Punjab during early medieval times freed the peasant communities there from the disabilities imposed upon them. The land chiefs among the Jat community in the territories of Sind and Multan also began to constitute an important element in polity. It is worth recalling that the thirteenth century Persian translation of the Chachnama (an early original Arabic account of the Arab conquest of Sind) was considerably touched up by Ali-al-Kufi the translator. The latter reflects the traditions obtaining in the Sind and the Punjab regarding the Muslim ruler's relations with the hereditary local chiefs during his time. Al-Kufi's purpose in alluding to rais, ranas and thakurs was to apprise the new Turk Sultan of the need to foster good relations with the local potentates because their support was necessary for the consolidation of his power. It was an important recognition that a victorious ruler should regard his victory over the non-Muslims as a prelude to a settlement and not to their annihilation.
Note: In the context of Chachnama the following facts should be noted:
Due to disastrous war strategy suggested by the Brahamin Wazir Siyakar the Arab invaders were allowed to cross the Indus river and Dahir was defeated. But this fair weather Wazir shifted his loyalty and joined Arab invader Qasim and advised him to impose restrictions on the Jats who were serving the royal family, protecting the highways, blocking the line of supply and opposing the invader against their motherland. Thus the Brahmin wazir and his followers were disloyal to king Dahir, to their motherland and to the fellow countrymen. These selfish and opportunist Brahmins of Sind were reaping the benefits of power in Dahir's regime and enjoyed power and authority with Arab commander Qasim also.
Jats out of orbit of Varna system of Manu
Secondly, the Brahmin wazir treats rural unorthodox Jats at par in imposing restrictions with urban Samma, Summera and Lakha tribes who were the followers of Buddhism in Sind. It can be inferred that the Brahmins were trying to revive Hinduism by dragging them into the orbit of Varna system of Manu. But it is very difficult to confine agricultural communities to one category of Varna system. According to their hard work or labour in the fields they can be categorized as Shudra, while their agriculture profession puts them in Vaisya category and when they fight in the battle fields definitely they are warrior class. Thus they don't fit in the orthodox Varna system of Manu. Agricultural communities proudly say that their profession is best. - Editor
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References
1 Ahmad bin Yahiya AI-Biladhuri, Futh-ul-Buldan, Leiden, 1866, pp. 433-38.
2 Lohana was an extensive territorial unit that include within its boundaries the whole of the lower Sind (Modern Hyderabad and Thatta districts as well as parts of Sanghar and Naawabshah districts. Brahmanabad was its headquarters. Cf. N.B. Boloch, Fathnama-i-Sind, better known Chachnama, (ed.) Islamabad, 1982, p. 23 (hereafter cited as Chachnama).
3 Nerun fort stood near modern Hyderabad.
4 Ishbahar was situated on the western side of the Indus. It was largely inhabited by the Buddhist while Jat Cultivators flourished in its hinter-land. It had Buddhist shrines Cf. N.C. Majumdar, Explorations of Sind, Delhi, 1934, p. 19-20.
5 Chachnama, p. 100.
6 Ravar was situated in the territorial unit of Brahamanabad on the eastern side of the Indus and in the delta region.
7 Chachnama, p. 104.
8 Ibid, p. 103.
9 Ibid, p. 166.
10 Ibid, p. 167.
11 Chachnama, p. 163-164.
12 Studies in Indo-Muslim History, Bombay, 1939, Vol. 1, p. 86.
13 Vohanan Friendmann. The Origin and Significance of the Chachnama, Islam (ed.) Vol. J, Jerusalam 1984, p. 3l.
14 Cf. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui, The processes of Acculturation in Historiography: the case of Delhi Sultanate, Art and Culture, Endeavours in Interpretation ed. A.J. Qaisar and S.R. Verma, New Delhi; 1996, Vol. I, p. 1-8, 3, also foot-note 13.
15 Cf. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui, Dynastic History of Sind, A comprehensive History of India, Vol. 4, part I, ed. S.R. Sharma and K.M. Shrimali, New Delhi, 1992, p. 322-327.
16 Abu Said Gardizi, Zain ut Akhbar, ed. Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, p. 191- 192.
17 Farukhi, as cited by Muhamrnad Nazim, life and Times of Sultan Mahmud, (reprint New Delhi, 1971) p. 122 note 3.
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