VI. Social Structure of Warrior Communities
| Wikifier:Laxman Burdak, IFS (R) |
Vahika
[p.52]: As we have seen above, the Mahabharata represents the transition from the tribal to the professional structure of society and the corresponding change from the ethics of family loyalties to the morality of vocational interests. In this turnover the consideration of opportunity and expediency overshadowed the insistence on rigid ideals and fixed principles and, instead of the means governing the ends, the ends justified the means. Hence the norms of conduct tended towards nonconformism and the structure of society, based on them, exhibited a looseness which had often the appearance of licentiousness. The society of the Panjab passed through this process of change revealing many outlandish and even repulsive features the hints of which are found in the famous dialogue between Karna and Shalya referred to in the preceding chapter. As said above this debate quickly turned into a diatribe of regional recrimination and provincial rancour in which tire speakers maligned and cursed the people and countries of each other, bitterly attacking and denouncing their morals and manners. The stinging comments of Karna brought to light some salient features of the social structure of the warrior communities of the Panjab which, in the context of other evidence, enable us to have a clear view of their working.
From the socio-cultural point of view the Sutlej is said to be the dividing line between the Panjab and Kurukshetra (VIII, 44, 6—7). The land, watered by the Sutlej (Shatadru), Beas (Vipasha) Ravi (Iravati), Chenab (Chandrabhaga), Jhelum ( Vitasta) and Indus (Sindhu), is called Vahika (वाहिक) (VIII, 44, 7, 31-2). This term is derived from the word Balhika which stands for the Bactrian element that had become prominent in the Panjab. But, in popular estimation, it was associated with the names of two demons, Bahi and
[p.53]: Hika, living in the Vipasha (Beas) whose offspring the Panjabis, were believed to be (VIII, 44, 41-2). This fanciful etymology was invented simply to denounce and denigrate the people.
The modern caste of the Wahis reminds us of the name Vahika applied to the people of the Panjab as a whole in that age.
Aratta
[p.53]: Another name given to the people of the Panjab in that period is Aratta (आरट्ट). Its modern survival is Aroda, a widespread Khatri caste in the Panjab. This name is derived from the word Arashtraka (अराष्ट्रक) or ‘stateless’. It signifies the oligarchic constitution of some of the clans and also conveys the idea that they refused to obey any centralized organization and led a libertine life. The Mahabharata (VIII, 44, 20-1) states that they wandered on their donkeys, camels and mules through jungle tracks, Jived on rolls, and balls of fried grain flour mixed with whey and robbed and beat the wayfarers whenever they came across them. In the Arthashatra they are called Coragana and Justin refers to them as ‘thieves’. It is on account of the highway robbery and wayward nature of these people that they came to be called Arattas in ancient time.
But the Vahikas or Arattas were divided into many tribes or clans. Karna mentions the Prasthala, Madra, Gandhara, Khasa, Vasati, Saindhava and Sauvira, among the Arattas or Vahikas of the Panjab (VIII, 44,47).
But this list is illustrative rather than exhaustive. There were numerous other tribes and clans, including many Indo-Iranian and trans-frontier peoples, whose names, have come down to us in other contexts. Among them the more pronouncedly Iranian elements, like the Kambojas, Pahlavas and Gandharas with the Persianised Ionians or Yavanas and the nomadic Scythians or Shakas, rubbed shoulders with the more profoundly Indianized peoples like the Pauravas, Traigartas, Prabhadrakas, Malavas etc. But the leading people among all of them were the Madras whose capital at Shakala, modern Sialkot, was virtually the capital of the entire region. Originally an Iranian people, an offshoot of the Mada or the Medes, they had acclimatized themselves to their Indian environment and come to occupy an important position among the tribes of the Panjab. Their cousins, the Salvas, Malavas and Kshudrakas, also won a high position for themselves in the province and ranked as heroic warriors and fighters.
Division of communities
According to the Mahabharata, the communities of the: Panjabis followed six types of organisation, grāma, pūga, vrāta,
[p.54]: kula, gana and shreni.
The gramas were villages inhabited by single clans. Among them leadership was hereditary and vested in the descendants of the tribal ancestors who gave their names to the clans. Such people were concentrated along the banks of the river Indus and lived in mountainous retreats (II, 32, 9). They were called gramaneyas (ग्रामणेय).
Besides the grāmas, there were 'pūgas' or tribal organisations under the leadership of hereditary chieftains (grāmaṇi:ग्रामणी).
The difference between the grama and the pūga (पूग) seems to be that in the former the emphasis was on territorial unity and local affinity, whereas in the latter the accent was on tribal-cum-professional community. But both followed the leadership of hereditary chiefs. They can be equated with the modern qabailis.
Vratyas
[p.54]: Another type of organisation was the vrata or a band of mercenary soldiers and freebooters. Its members were known as vratyas (व्रात्य). The Lātyāyana srautasūsta (VIII, 67) states that they had predatory habits. They were distinguished by the colours of their robes like red-robed vratyas or black-robed vratyas corresponding to Red Kafirs and Black Kafirs of the Hindukush region in modern times. According to the Panchavimsha Brahmana (XVII, 4, 1, 92) they roamed about in bands in open chariots of war, carried catapults and lances, donned turbans and garments, with a red border and having fluttering ends, wore silver necklaces, shoes and sheepskins, folded double, arid possessed cattle. This text (XVII, 1-2,3-2) further states that, among them, there were only two classes, the Arhants or ascetics and the Yaudhas or warriors, the former practising brahmacharya and the latter living by the profession of arms. They did not pursue agriculture or trade. They were ruled and led by their grihapatis who dressed themselves in black garments and two skins (ajina), one black and one white, wore their turbans (ushnisha उष्णीष) with a slant towards one side of the head, carried stringless bows or catapults (jyāhroḍa) and whips (pratoda) in their hands and drove in rough wagons (vipatha) covered with planks and drawn by horses. They are said to be debauchees, always accompanied by harlots (pumśchali), and drunkards, fond of wines (surā), some of them being addicts to poison (garagira) also. Their priestly or ascetic class either practised acute abnegation or gave themselves up to sensual orgies, the symbol of the former being the nude god with the penis hanging down (nichamedhra), and that of the latter the god with penis
[p.55]: upraised (ūrdhvameḍhra), the first called ‘high’ (jyestha) and the- second ‘low’ (hīna). They led to the growth of the ascetic orders practising strict control of the senses, on the one hand, and the cults of sensual revelry culminating in prurient sects, on the other. At the time of Alexander’s invasion sectaries of both these types were-found in the Panjab. Later they developed into the ascetic orders; of various types and the Shaiva and Shakta cults of many sorts. The Atharvaveda (book XV) gives us a glimpse of the god of these vratyas who was known as Ekavrātya. He is said to be wearing a yellow turban, earrings and jewels, holding a big bow, attended on by a sort of devadasi as well as a panegyrist (māgadha), and moving in a vehicle (vipatha) drawn by two steeds driven by a charioteer with a whip. His attendants are said to be Bhava, Sharva, Pasupati, Ugra, Rudra, Mahadeva and İśāna in ascending order. This picture recalls that of a typical vratya chief. Subsequently some of these features merged in a concept of Shiva.
Kulas
A number of vratas formed a kula. We learn from the Mahabharata that 18,000 vratas formed, owe kula to which Krishna belonged (astadasha sahasrani vratanam santi nah kale) (II, 13, 55). A kula was governed by lire elders called rājanyavriddhas. A number of kulas formed one sangha. For instance eighteen kulas constituted the Andhaka-Vrishni Sangha (mantroyam mantrito rājan kulairaṣṭa dasha varaih (Sabhaparvan, 13, 34); aṣṭadaṡavarairnaddham kshatriyairyuddhadurmadaih ) (sabhaparvan, 13, 54). In such a confederation, or Sangha, the rājanyavṛddhas of the various kulas grouped themselves in various parties, classes and coalitions called dvandva, varga, pakṣa, gṛhya and vyāṡraya. They were designated after the names of their leaders. For example the members of the party of Krishna were called Krishnavargya and those of the party of Akrura, Akruravargya. The leader of the party was known as vargapāla.
Ganas
[p.55]: Another sort of grouping of the kulas was called gana. In it sovereignty vested in the kula units and was exercised through the rājanyavriddhas of each kula who were entitled Rajans (राजन). In their internal affairs the rajans of each kula were autonomous, but, in their mutual dealings, they acted in concert. Out of themselves they elected their chief, called Shreshtha, who was the head of the gana. The Shreshtha, being elective, changed from time to time (Mahabharata II, 14, 6). This type of gana followed a policy of mutual adjustment and cooperation (shama) grounded on the concept of human dignity (parānubhāva) and directed towards the goal of
[p.56]: common weal, The term for this ideology of common and popular sovereignty was pārameṣṭhya. It was different from sāmrājya according to which sovereignty vested in the ruler alone who exercised it through his own officers by means of force and coercion. In course of time the sanghas and ganas proliferated but their shaky and fickle character remained a source of weakness and their fumbling and fluctuating structures always faced troubles.
For all practical purposes sangha and gana were synonymous. Panini (V, 3, 117) has called the Yaudheyas a sangha, but, on their coins, they call themselves ṇana. The elders and chiefs of the kulas, sanghas or ganas were formally anointed through a ceremony and were called mūrdhābhiṣikta.
Shrenis
Besides the sangha and gana, there was another grouping called Shreni or guild. This term signified the association of traders as well as a corporation of soldiers who lent their services for payment. The Arthashastra (IX, 2; XI, 1) refers to the mercenary forces of Shrenis (shrenibala) as a constituent of the king’s army. Panini (V, 3, 114) mentions them as ayudhajivins; The Mahabharata (VIII, 5, 40) alludes to many thousands of these Shrenis (Shrenyo bahusāhasrāh) fighting on the side of the Kauravas. One of the foremost of these shrenis was known as Agrashreni, Agalassians of Greek writers and Agravalas of modern times. They are located below the confluence of the Jhelum and the Chenab by the historians of Alexander, but their stronghold was at Agrodaka, modern Agroha in Hariyana. This shows that they were a widespread community, as the tradition that they consisted of eighteen kulas with lakhs of members, current among the Agravalas, indicates. People formed such associations on the basis of common interest every now and then, as Panini’s rule (II, 1, 59) shrenyadayah kritādibhiḥ proves. All these groups, associations -and corporations had their emblems and insignia, aṇka and lakṣaṇa.
No rigid structure of castes
The aforesaid soldier communities of the Panjab had a mobile and resilient social system and did not adhere to the rigid structure of castes. The Mahabharata states that among them a person is a brahmana at one time and kshtriya at another ; from a kshatriya he becomes a vaishya and a Shudra and then a barber; from a barber he at once jumps to be a brahmana and from brahmanahood he soon lapses into slavery (VIII, 45,6-7). It goes on to add that among them, in one and the same family, some members are brahmans and others of other mixed castes (VIII, 45, 8) and that pammixia and promiscuity has gone to such length that one can refer
[p.57]: with certainty to one’s mother only and is generally ignorant of the father. Hence inheritance generally passed on to sister’s sons rather than one’s own sons (VIII, 45, 13). The Pali text 'Assalāyana sutta (Majjhima Nikāya, II, 5, 3) reports a remark of the Buddha that' among the Yavanas, Kambojas and other frontier peoples there are only two social classes, free men and slaves, and one can change from the one to the other quite conveniently (ayyo hutvā dāso hoti, dāso hutvā ayyo hoti). This remark corroborates the aforesaid statement of the Mahabharata regarding the social mobility of the communities of the Panjab. In fact the grouping of the people in them was along tribal or clan lines rather than professional or vocational functions congealing into hereditary divisions. Every tribe or clan had a primary military orientation which shaped the outlook of all its members with the result that everybody was first a soldier and then anyone else. Constant migrations and minglings of tribes and incessant irruptions and infiltrations of peoples put a premium on the profession of arms, on the one hand, and injected a resilience in the body social, on the other. For bare survival in such a whirlwind of movements it was obligatory for everyone to be a sturdy and skilled soldier without distinction of status or pursuit. When one is once accustomed to wield and use arms, it becomes difficult for him to relish other professions involving manual diligence or laborious routines. If there is no invader to fight and repel, one becomes a invader oneself in respect of others. In this way the military profession is a two-edged sword cutting both the outside aggressor and the native countryman. This explains the political instability and social fluidity in the Panjab in that age.
The Mahabharata further relates that there was no well-defined brahmana class among the soldier communities of the Panjab with the result that the rulers and other people performed their religious ceremonies and sacrifices themselves. The Epic calls, them rājayājaka and Panini has the term kshatriyayājaka for them. Accordingly it is said that the offerings made to gods by them go in vain (VIII, 45, 26) and that they knew no Vedas, Vedis or Yajnas. (VIII, 44, 46). They rather believed in yakshas and tree-deities and offered oblations to them (VIII, 44, 8). Hence in the eyes of the orthodox people they were impure, immoral and irreligious and contact with them was considered a heinous offence and an inexpiable sacrilege. Resilient in social approach, the warrior communities of the Panjab were latitudinarian in matters of sex. Among them women
[p.58]: shunned seclusion and segregation and met, mixed and made merry with men on a footing of equality. Drawing a caricature of this feature, the Mahabharata stated that among them women formed contacts with all sorts of known and unknown men and, chewing beef and quaffing wine, wept, laughed, sang and made incoherent speeches to them (VIII, 40, 27). They are said to be so fond of fermented liquor as to be ready to sacrifice their husbands and sons rather than part with it (VIII, 40, 38-9). Tall, fair, gluttonous, clad -in blankets, they knew no resene or restiainl of passion (VIII, 40, 40) and, throwing off their garments under the spell of drink, gave themselves up to unstinted sexual Contacts (VIII, 40, 36). Wearing big shell bangles in hands, painting their eyes with collyrium and making themselves up with cosmetics, they played on drums, conches and cymbals und danced to the tune of them (VIII, 44, 18-9) and even threw off their garments. Their songs resembled the braying of asses and the babbling of camels (VIII, 44, 13). They even pissed standing like those animals (VIII. 40, 37). On festive occasions their lewdness knew no bounds and they wandered in lustful postures along the ramparts and lanes of cities (VIII, 44, 12). This exaggerated account underlines the laxity and freedom of women among these people.
The family relations of these people were marked by familiarity and informality. In their houses father, mother, in-laws, maternal uncle, daughter, son-in-law, brother, grandson and other relatives, friends, guests, servants and slaves all met and mixed with each other with ease and pleasure (VIII, 40, 25). No wall of propriety stood between them to prevent their association.
Vahika warriors liked physical exercises, outdoor sports, wrestling jousts and boxing tournaments. Among them boxers (mauṣṭika) and gladiators (ṣaṇḍa) were notorious for their libertine and licentious habits (VIII, 45, 25). Their elders, women and children indulged in games of various sorts.
The Vahikas were quite unorthodox in diet and drink. They ate rolls and slices of pork, beef, mutton, chicken and even asses and camels (VIII, 44, 28) with loaves and balls of parched grain flour and consumed lots of onion, garlic and chive with them (VIII, 44, 11). They were also fond of the milk of sheep, camels and asses and made numerous products of it (VIII, 44, 31). Their addiction to beer, rum and liquor, distilled from jaggery, reached the point of infatuation. They ate and drank in wooden bowls and
[p.59]: earthen pots, without cleaning them, and did not mind their being, licked , even by dogs (VIII, 44, 35-6). Their dinner parties, comprising men and women, lasted late in nights and were followed by music and revelry.
Riding on asses, camels and mules, some of the Vahika highwaymen infested roads and robbed the passers-by (VIII,44, 20). They are denounced as treacherous and obnoxious like scorpions, in whom no trust could be reposed and who were true to no friend (VIII, 40, 30, 34). That this picture of the loose morals, licentious habits, outlandish manners and antinomian outlook of the Vahika soldiery is overdrawn is manifest from the rejoinder of the Madra chief Shalya to the diatribe of Karna that “in every country there are brahmanas, kshatriyas, vaishyas and suudras and women of high ideals and noble conduct ; side by side in every region men hurt each other by cruel jokes and have unstinted intercourse with women; the truth is that all people are experts in pointing out the defects of others forgetting entirely their own drawbacks or deliberately throwing the veil on them” (VIII, 45, 42-44). The fact that the people of the Panjab, inspite of being formidable warriors, cherished high moral ideals is established by the history of the Mālavi princess Savitri. On the death of her husband Satyavan, she pursued the god of death, Yama, entreating him to release his life. In course of the dialogue with him she expounded the salient features of the eternal religion as love and charity and absence of ill-will in word, deed and thought for all living beings. (Mahabharata, III, 297, 35). She said that the essence of goodness is the conquest of the senses and the control of the self (III, 297,24) and that its outward manifestation is amity and goodwill for all producing an atmosphere of faith and trust (III, 297, 43), Her conjugal devotion is proved by her determination that she did not desire any glory without her husband nor wished to live in his absence (III, 297, 53). The discourse and endeavour of this Malavi princess scintillates with sublimity and idealism and demonstrates the heights of moral fervour to which the people of the Panjab could soar inspite of their martial ardour and fighting propensity. As a matter of fact the Panjab in that age was passing through an intense social transformation in which numerous exotic elements, bringing their own outlandish customs and manners, were
[p.60]: jostling and mingling with the native people and introducing an attitude of heterodoxy and protestantism among them. As a result the shackles of tradition were crumbling, the old norms of conduct were breaking down and a new zest for life, interest in its pleasures and attraction for its appeals, an eagerness to plunge into its vast reservoir of happiness and drink it to the dregs and a boundless upsurge of gaiety and joy were siezing the people. They were throbbing with new energy which made them throw overboard old ideas of morality and demeanour and rush towards new experiments and adventures in life. Some of them were in tribal stage and acted no better than freebooters, others were growing as mercenary guilds of freelancers, but many were advancing towards higher forms of social organization based on popular sovereignty and common welfare. Almost all were in a melting-pot, a process of transition and change, a state of fluidity and looseness, which often gave the impression of lawless and licentious confusion. But, out of this instability and disorder, new patterns of thought and conduct and new forms of organization were going to emerge.