The Jats - Their Role in the Mughal Empire/Chapter VIII
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Contents
Jats And The Court Development: 1752-1753
[p.141]: In December 1751, Ahmad Shah Abdali led his third invasion into the Panjab to press his demand for tribute from the four mahals ceded to him in 1750. The news of his capture of Lahore (reaching Delhi on 13th March, 1752) created intense panic in the Capital and a lot of frightened inhabitants fled for safety to Mathura and other places in the dominions of Suraj Mal, considered "Extremely Safe".1 Amidst these circumstances, Ahmad Shah sent express summons to the Wazir, asking him to bring with him the Marathas (then at Qannauj) at any price. Accordingly, Safdar Jang entered into a subsidiary defensive alliance with the Marathas, among others on the following terms: (i) in lieu of Rupees 50 lakhs the Peshwa was to defend the Empire against the Abdali and the local rebels and to recover and handover the royal lands to the Emperor. (ii) The Peshwa was to be given the governorship of Agra (including the fajdari of Mathura) and Ajmer (including the faujdari of Narnaul).2
This pact, (paving the way for the Maratha expansion) particularly its second article, caused concern to the ambitious Suraj Mal, who since long had his eyes over the province of Agra. Madho Singh and Bakht Singh also resented the pact. Hence, adds Antaji, all the three went to the Wazir, expressed their resentment over the grant of Agra and Ajmer to the Peshwa and offered to bear the expenses of the proposed expedition to push the Marathas back to the south.3 Though the Wazir himself had such a scheme in his mind,4 it was not translated into practice. As for
1. TAH., 33a, 37b.
2. For details see Rajwade, I, I; Also see TAH. 33a and 34a.
3. S.P.D., XXI, 50 and 57.
4. Shakir, 65; S.P.D., XXI, 44.
[p.142]: Suraj Mal's objection, he had to content with the faujdari of Mathura, which he got through the Wazir, later on (c. end of October, 1752).5
Earlier, on his return to Delhi (25th April) Safdar Jang discovered to his bitter annoyance that he was Wazir in name only and that all his powers and privileges had passed into the hands of Javed Khan. The latter, in fact, had all along been his arch enemy, conspiring to frustrate his objectives, weaken his strength, turn the Emperor against him and dislodge him from the Wizarat unless bribed heavily. Among other hostile acts, he had got Salabat Khan (also a Shia like the Wazir), Safdar Jang's strongest ally, dismissed from the post of the Mir Bakhshi and Ghazi-ud-Din Firoz Jang, the pillar of the Turani party, appointed instead.6 Now he tried to wean away Balram Jat (of Ballamgarh) from Safdar Jang, an attempt reminiscent of his tendentious favour to Suraj Mal's son (Jawahar Singh) earlier.
Balram's Affair And The Murder Of Javed
This incidence runs as follows: On 2nd July, 1752 (lst Ramzan, 1165 A.H.), when the Wazir was moving to his mansion in Delhi from his camp across the Yamuna, Nawab Javed Bahadur sat down in the Anguribag (which lay on the Wazir's way) expecting the Wazir to pay him respects. But Safdar Jang went straight without caring for the eunuch. This highly offended Javed and he immediately called Balram (then in Delhi),7 gave him a khilat, appointed him faujdar, of Sikandarabad and ordered him to expel forcibly the lawful holder of that post, Qamar Ali. He also instigated Balram to foment as much trouble there as possible.
Balram, who was a man with little scruples, executed heartily the task assigned to him. On reaching Sikandarabad, he asked Qamar Ali to vacate the city since the fajdari now lay with him. When Qamar Ali insisted on being shown the order, Balram attacked him and killing his son put him to flight. The Jat occupied the district and plundered everything that he could lay his hands upon. He dug up the floors of the houses and tortured the local traders to extort money. The Wazir and Javed were both present in the Court, when this horrifying tale was reported the same night. Safdar Jang asked his opponent:
- What is the matter? If Balu has been appointed by you as the new faujdar of the place, why is he plundering and killing the people there? If he is acting against your wishes, I am going there and would bring him a prisoner.
5 TAH., 45a Antaji writes in one of his despatches (SPD., XXI, 44) that the Wazir attempted to get the suba of Agra assigned to Suraj Mal and Madho Singh.
6. Sarkar, Fall, I, 364, 368-369.
7. Balram must have been in touch with Javed for some time which accounted for his prompt ready availability. It is significant to note that we do not find Balu being referred to in the context of the 2nd Afghan expedition. It may show that this time he stayed back.
[p.143]: Javed evaded the answer but offered that he would punish the Jat himself. Next day, Javed sent an insignificant force under his jamadar, Narsingh Rai, apparently instructing him not to fight the Jat. Safdar Jang also despatched Rajender Giri Gosain against Balram. But Narsingh passed on to him the news of Gosain's coming and allowed him to escape with all his loot to Dankaur (15 miles due east of Ballamgarh), in the eunuch's Jagir. Meanwhile, Rajender Giri arrived and though a skirmish followed, he safely managed his way to Ballamgarh. Thus ended the show of a campaign against the incited plunderer of the Emperor's privy purse estate. Balram's victims begged for justice but in vain.8 Safdar Jang sent for Balram. On being inquired, he plainly told that whatever excesses he had committed, he did "at the instance of Nawab Bahadur. Hearing it, the Nawab's (Javed's) head hung down in repentance and he (Javed) begged pardon for his mischievous role."9
The above details suggest that Javed Khan was playing a very clever game. By seducing a section of the Jats he calculated to decrease, however small in size, the ranks of the Wazir and if the desired did not take place, to artfully defame his rival, as the patron of the atrocious plunderers of the Emperor's privy purse estate.
Balram's affair turned Safdar Jang mad with rage and he resolved to remove from his way his greatest hurdle, Javed. In a momentary flush of anger, the Emperor himself sent him a word to that effect.10 Safdar Jang now called his "steadfast ally", Suraj Mal, ostensibly for consultation on political matters but really to crush possible opposition jointly. Suraj Mal responded and leading his force encamped at Kalkappahari (c. third week of August, 1752). An agent of Madho Singh and Balram (of Ballamgarh) joined him there with their respective forces. Javed grew curious about the purpose of their coming as in the past they (impliedly Suraj Mal's son, Jawahar Singh and Balram Jat)11
8. TAH, 38a, 39a-40a; Shakir, 71.
9. Shakir, 71. It, however, confusedly mentions the name of Suraj Mal in place of Balram.
10. Imad, 91; Amira, 85; Bayan-I-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 133.
11. TAH, 40a-40b. The word "Inha" (these) occurring in this passage of this work has to be interpreted carefully. Whatever impression it might leave outwardly, , it cannot properly incorporate the name of Suraj Mal personally. This may be inferred from one simple fact that ever since their alliance, the Wazir never remained out of Delhi without Suraj Mal not accompanying him. But same was not the case with Balu and the former's own disgruntled son, Jawahar Singh. We know that both of them had been the recipients of Javed's favour and significantly both had not regularly marched under the banners of Safdar Jang, Jawahar keeping back in his first while Balram in his second Afghan expedition. It is thus clear that the Jats implied herein were actually Balram and Jawahar and that it were these, one time beneficiaries rather than Suraj Mal, who, along with other favours also got (on paper) the fiefs mentioned in TAL, 108. And yet if the name of Suraj Mal is referred to at both the places (i .e. in TAL. and TAH. in the present context) it is probably because of the fact that in the Jat affairs of this period, it was generally his transcending name that ultimately counted for every thing. Its greatest proof is that even during the life time of the reigning King, Badan Singh, we find nearly all the Jat transactions being carried in the name of Suraj Mal.
[p.144]: used to court his patronage. He wished that on this occasion also they should meet him first and discuss their affairs. However, due to the presence of the Wazir in the Capital no way could be found for the intended separate meeting. It was then settled that Javed should go to the Wazir's mansion and there the two together should meet Suraj Mal and others on 27th August, 1752 (27th Shawwal). In the morning on the date fixed, Safdar Jang sent Ismail Khan to call Suraj Mal, instructing him to intimate Javed of Suraj Mal's coming and also request him to come and hold talks with Suraj Mal at his residence. Soon after Javed arrived followed by Suraj Mal in the afternoon and discussions between the three were held. In the evening the Wazir led rival (Javed) to an inner apartment where after a brief talk he was done to death by the Mughal soldiers. The news of this murder occasioned great commotion but no hostile movements. The rumour spread that the Wazir had also killed Suraj Mal. Thereupon, the infuriated Jat troops mobbed his mansion and it was only when Suraj Mal in person came out and sat for a while before them that their fears were dispelled.12
However imperative it might have looked to Safdar Jang, the treacherous assassination of Javed produced results contrary to his expectations. It antagonised the Royal family, alienated the nobility and aroused misgivings on all sides. The Emperor, always prone to depending upon others, now extended his confidence to the Wazir's more capable and dangerous Turani opponents, Intizam and Imad, the new Mir Bakhshi. A concerted and more powerful opposition thus came into existence which ultimately led to the Wazir's overthrow.13
Recognition of the Jat State by Safdar Jang
Javed's removal, however, enabled Safdar Jang to exercise for the first time the full authority and privileges of the Wazir. Apart from what he himself grasped, in the next few months he promoted the interests of his adherents to the exclusion of his adversaries. Suraj Mal had all along stood by him. As an expression of his gratitude thereof, the Wazir, on
12. TAH, 40b-41a; Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 133; Shakir, 71; Ahwal, 119; Tarikh-i-Muzaffart, Elliot VIII 317, S.PD., XXI, 54, SO; Imad, 91; Ibrat, 15a; Memoires des Jats, 35-36, devotes full two pages on Javed and his murder. yet it is silent on Balu's affairs (in fact at no place the name of this Balram occurs in this Ms.) and Suraj Mal's presence during this deed Also see Srivastava, Oudh, 2071'; cf. Sarkar, Fall, 1, 372.
13. For details, Srivastava, Oudh, 210ff.
[p.145]: 20th October, 1752 (11th Zil-Hijja, 1165 A.H.) presented his ally and friend to the Emperor, who conferred on Badan Singh (then at Bharatpur) the title of "Mahendra" and thereby made him a Raja and on Suraj Mal that of "Kumar Bahadur Brijendra".14 Without specifying the time Wendel claims that Ahmad Shah gave him (Suraj Mal) the title of "Jaswant Singh" ("Josand Sing"), which amounted to his being recognized as a Raja and also the right of beating drums but this privilege ceased to operate within "12 kos" of the residence of the Emperor.15 A few days later Suraj Mal was also appointed faujdar of Mathura, which according to the pact with the Marathas, was to remain with the Peshwa. This placed into his hands the governorship of most of the territory on both sides of the Yamuna in the suba of Agra, for an annual contribution.16 All these favours were in addition to an earlier (March, 1751) conferment of the mansab of 3,000 zat 2,000 horse upon Suraj Mal, the title of 'Rao' upon his son Ratan Singh and the mansab of 1,000 zat, 1,000 horse upon his next son, Jawahar Singh - in addition to Jawahar's former rank - making him in all a holder of 4,000 zat, 3,500 horse.17
This honour marked a momentous stage in both the Jat Wazir relations and the evolution and growth of the Bharatpur State. Though it possessed the basic prerequisites, its head still lacked regal title and authority officially sanctioned by the Mughal Emperor. This was now made good by the grant of the regal title to Badan Singh, which amounted to the Emperor's recognition of the Jat State. Now Badan Singh could legally claim a rank among the Princes of Hindustan. Wendel concludes that now the head of the Jats was created a Raja by the Great Mughal himself as Jai Singh and other Rajas were. It is from here that "the era" of their political ascendancy should be traced.18
The Jat Prince had every reason to be thankful to the gracious Wazir. He presently went to his home19 but after a short while he returned to
14. TAH., 43b. J.N. Sarkar (Fall, II, 435) and following him R. Pande (Bharatpur, 53, 47) reads Suraj Mal's title as "Rajendra". This does not seem to be correct. The way the first letter of desired word "Brijendra" is written in the above MS. it looks to us "Brijendra" rather than "Rajendra". That its author did not mean "Rajendra" becomes clear from the different style in which he writes the first letter of word "Rajendra" (TAH. 449) while mentioning the name of the famous Rajendra Giri Gosain. So significantly, "Brijendra" also agrees with Nur-ud- Din's (Nul'. 33a) mention of Raja Suraj Mal's title as "Maharaja Brijendra Bahadur" and Somnath's (Brijendra Vinod. Kashi Nagari Pracharini Sabha, 212) "Shriman Maharaj Brijendra, Shri Sujan Singh".
15. Memoires des Jats, 33; cf. Tarikh-i-Bharalpur, 4b; cf. TAL's (l58) reference about Suraj Mal beating drums
16. TAH. 45a; Memoires des Jats, 33.
17. Waqa-i-Shah Alam Sani, 70, quoted by Qanungo, Jats, 83-84.
18. Memoires des Jats, 33-34; Sarkar, Fall, II, 435.
19. TAH., 45a.
[p.146]: the Capital and remained with Safdar Jang20 till he moved against Rao Bahadur Singh of Ghasira, the faujdar of chakla Kol (Aligarh). We shall now turn to this event.
Suraj Mal's Campaign Against Bahadur Singh
It seems that a feud over land and other things existed between Suraj Mal and Rao Bahadur Singh Bargujar.21 The Wazir himself was angry with Rao probably over his treacherous collusion with Ahmad Bangash during his first Bangash expedition.22 The Bargujar presently joined the camp of Malharrao Holkar and the Jat Vakil justified the attack almost solely on this ground.23 Thus, the Wazir and Suraj Mal both dissatisfied, the former reportedly induced the Emperor to sanction the expedition under Suraj Mal.24
About the first week of February, 1753,25 Suraj Mal moved out and halted for some time at Samogar near the Yamuna in order to call up sufficient troops from his State. Since Bahadur Singh was at Kol, [[Suraj Mal]], with a picked force of 4,000 horsemen, marched to that place, leaving the rest of his forces at Samogar. Realizing the weakness of his position at Kol, Bahadur Singh avoided confrontation with the Jats there and managed his way to his stronghold of Ghasira. This was a spacious and fairly strong fort, containing sufficient quantities of artillery and munition and a garrison of 8,000. In addition, a rainwater pool stretching upto its southern and western ramparts provided it safety from those two sides. Meanwhile, as Rao fled, Suraj Mal occupied Kol and leaving a contingent there, hotly pursued him along his circuitous route upto Ghasira which he attacked from the north and the east.26
Rao, at the head of 5,000 matchlockmen and about 800 horse, came out of the eastern gate and offered battle to the Jats under the personal command of Suraj Mal. Rao fought most gallantly but was wounded and forced back. But on the northern side the Jats under Jawahar Singh, sustained heavy losses as a result of the gunfire from the fort. Suraj Mal
20. Sujan, 97-98; S.P.D., XXVII, 68, XXI, 54.
21. Sujan, 118; Also see author's article, 'Ghasira Ke Yudha Ka Aitihasik Paryalochan, Nagari Pracharini Patrika. Samvat 2024, 510-511. The story also goes that the Meenas of Ghasira stole away some camels belonging to Suraj Mal. But on being asked Rao returned neither the camels nor the culprits, which provoked the Jat Prince further.
22. Rao later deserted the Wazir's vanguard amidst the crucial moments of the battle. See Chapter VII, First Afghan expedition at second last page.
23. Sujan, 119 also 214.
24. Ibid., 97-98, also 119.
25. TAH. 47a. This is the only other source to refer to this campaign but its account is very brief. Therefore, we have generally followed detailed description of Sujan Charitra, whose author, unlike that of the former, was obviously present on the spot.
26. Sujan, 98-103; TAH., 47a.
[p.147]: ordered the impetuous Jawahar to dig up the trenches first and then resume the fight. But the next fortnight's desultory struggle brought no decisive results. Suraj Mal then closely inspected the southern and the western approaches to the fort. Discovering some dried up pockets along there, he shifted himself to the western side and sent Jawahar to the southern side and thus completely besieged Ghasira. Cannonade continued and a number of Jats fell victims daily. Yet in time the complete investment and the accompanying fight reduced the besieged to severe straits and they forced an unwilling Rao to send his envoy, Zalim Singh, to settle peace with Suraj Mal. The latter demanded Rupees 10 lakhs in cash and all the arms and munition of the fort as a precondition for raising the siege. Rao did not really mean to fulfil the exorbitant demands and yet he could not afford a total rejection either. He, therefore, practiced evasive tactics.
His dissimulation infuriated Suraj Mal and he resolved to get rid of Rao and capture Ghasira. The siege was pressed more vigorously. On 23rd April, 1753, (6th Krishna Paksha in Vaishakh) the valiant Jats under Paim Singh, Prithvi Singh, Raja Ram and Sayyid Mir Panah pushed forward, and despite the murderous gunfire, Ram and Sayyid Mir Panah pushed forward, and despite the murderous gunfire, succeeded in climbing up the fortwalls and opening the gates. Heavy was the carnage that the Jats suffered at Ghasira. Fifteen thousand of them perished but not before hopelessly thinning the enemy ranks as well. Yet Rao's forces could be destroyed but not his will. He went to the other fort, put his family to the sword, then rushed out with a hundred survivors and engaged Sheo Singh in a fierce combat. A bullet shot pierced through him, yet he bravely stood his ground till he was beheaded (along with a lone survivor) by Dalla Mev. Suraj Mal, thus, won a sanguinary contest. It was here at Ghasira that he received most pressing call for help, couched in rather flattering words, from the Wazir. He, therefore, left for Delhi, posting a Jat garrison under Amar Singh at Ghasira.27
The Jats And The Civil War
Suraj Mal spent the night (30th April, 1752) at Faridabad. On 1st May (27th Jamadi II, 1166 A.H.) with a force of 15,000 horse and foot he joined his old friend and patron at his camp at Khizrabad (6 miles south of Delhi), having been earlier received by his son and then Mir
27. Sujan, 103-140, 146; TAH, 50b. 52a-52b, 106b; Also author's article, Ghasira Ke Yudha Ka Aitihasik Paryalochan' Nagari Pracharini Patrika, (2024), 505-512; For the Wazir's call only Memoires des Jats, 37; Tawarikh-i-Hunud, 21b; Shakir, 73; Siyar, Ill, 332; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari in Elliot, VIII, 320; Hadiqat, 136.
[p.148]: Atish, Shuja-ud-Daula.28 Next day, the Wazir went to the nearby Jat camp and held consultations with Suraj Mal.29 Safdar Jang's fortune was in the ascendant when Suraj Mal had left for Ghasira, but much had happened in the meantime to put it slowly but steadily on a downward scale. Due to his own indiscretion as well as the ingenuity of his adversaries Safdar Jang lost control over the palace and the Capital and he was obliged to leave his Delhi residence (March, 1753). He was still in a fairly commanding position but gradually he lost that advantage by his indecision and inactivity primarily due to his waiting for "obtaining assistance from Suraj Mal", then entangled at Ghasira.30 Nevertheless, "Every day that passed told against him and in favour of his enemies." However, with each day passing, the strength of Safdar Jang dwindled and that of his opponents increased. While he was incurring huge expenses in feeding an inactive camp, his enemies, especially Imad-ul- Mulk with his added resources (amounting to Rs. 2,70,00,000), energetic leadership and great cunning in exploiting religious feelings, not only raised a strong army of his own but also gradually seduced a big number (totalling 23,000 men) of Safdar Jang's men. Apart from the hired Maratha31 and Rohilla allies,32 quite a number of other partisan chiefs (Rajput, Gujar and Billochi) later joined the steadily increasing enemy ranks. Added to these odds was Safdar Jang's own lack of good generalship.33 It was against this background that Suraj Mal was to fight under his banners during the coming war.
To resume, three days after the coming of Suraj Mal, the ex-Mir Bakhshi, Salabat Khan, joined the Wazir. Taunting him with the charge of cowardice, he incited the wavering Safdar Jang to launch a vigorous offensive. Suraj Mal supported him. Next day Safdar Jang haughtily demanded the expulsion of Intizam and Imad, failing which he threatened the Emperor to attack their houses and the imperial fort itself. The Emperor responded by dismissing Shuaj-ud-Daula and ordering the completion of the trenches on the river edge. Though forbidding an open attack, Safdar Jang now ordered Suraj Mal and Rajendra Giri Gosain to
28. TAH. 52a, 52b; Sujan, 146; Memoires des Jats, 37, wrongly mentions about 8 to 10 thousand Jats being under him; Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 134: Shakir 73; Siyar, Ill, 332; Also see Hadiqat, 136 and 171.
29. Sujan, 146-147.
30. Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII , i35, 134; Aftabnuma, 357; Ahwal, 119.
31. Imad sent his Vakil, Mahbub Ram to call Malharrao Holkar from Aurangabad but Suraj Mal's men interrupted him on his way (near Palwal). TAH., 50b.
32. Suraj Mal advised Safdar Jang to intercept the incoming Najib with 15,000 Rohillas But Safdar Jang's efforts in this direction did not bear fruits. Nur, 8b-9a.
33. For details of Safdar's lapses and difficulties see Srivastava, Oudh, 223ff; Sarkar, Fall, I, 471ff.
[p.149]: attack and plunder old Delhi, especially the grain market. If [[Sujan Charitra]] is to be relied upon, Suraj Mal had earlier tried to dissuade him from this, pleading that it would leave an indelible stigma over the Wazir's (as also his own) forehead.34 Safdar Jang, however, calculated that in consideration of the interests of the city populace the Emperor would not carry matters to extremes and would ultimately bend down. Therefore, he stuck to his decision of "political" loot as a device which was short of the greater horrors of a mighty assault.35
Consequently, the Jats, the Nagas and the Wazir Qizelbash's soldiers commenced the sack of Delhi on 9th May, 1753. Bayan-i-Weqsi adds that Salabat Khan also engaged himself in robbing and plundering the old city.36 The plunderers looted the eastern part of the city near Lal Darwaza and the innocent victims, largely poor and middle class people, destitute of their property, were driven to take shelter elsewhere. Next morning, Sayyidwara, Panchkoi, Abdullah Nagar, Tarkaganj and the areas around Bijal mosque were ravaged. The plunderers maltreated and mercilessly sacked the multitudes, demolished their houses and rendered Churnia and Wakilpura "lampless". Every day, the Jats and Qizilbashes appeared in one or the other part of old Delhi. Great consternation prevailed in the city. Terror stricken victims scampered through and sought refuge in the new city, carrying with them whatever was possible. In about a week's time the old city was completely ravaged and destroyed.
The ferocity of the Jats long outlived their misdeed in the memory of the local people under the name of "Jatgardi". Whatever the circumstances and order (issued to them), the cruelty which they perpetrated deserves severe condemnation as has been done by most of the authorities.37 What a misfortune of the Indian Capital! Within short span of merely two decades (1739-1761) "it fell a victim to nine gardis". It was sacked in all seven times by the two invading Emperors, Nadir Shah and Ahmad Abdali, eight times by Najib-ud-Daula, eight times by the different Maratha stalwarts, four times at the behest of the Wazir Imad-ul-Mulk and once each by Jeta Gujar and Bahadur Khan Billoch.38 As if it were not enough, in the meantime the Jats in company with others added one more number to this already long list of Delhi's sack.
34. Sujan, 147-148.
35. Srivastava, Oudh, 230 and 232; According to Shah Walliullah (Shah. 2) then residing in Delhi, Safdar Jang himself indulged in the loot.
36. Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, V III, 135; 136-137; Shah 2.
37. TAH., 53b-55a; Sujan, 149-165 (hyperbolic account); Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 136-137; Shah, 2: Imad, 96; Shakir, 74; Memoires des Jats, 38; Siyar, III 334; D.C.; Aftabnuma, 359; Ahwal, 119; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, in Elliot, VIII, 320. Tawarikh-t-Hunud, 21 b.
38. Gupta, Panipat, 321ff.
[p.150]: One wonders if it were the same Suraj Mal and his Jats who, on several occasions both before and after 1753 (with the lone exception in 1757), providing refuge to scores of thousands of the same Delhi populace, protected them from the rapacious cruelty of others, who earned a name for letting live in their midst "helpless, afflicted and indigent people?39 and who were to spend lakhs of Rupees in just one instance, -looking after thousands of refugees from Panipat.
Emperor dismissed Safdar Jang
This outrage broke all relations between the Emperor and Safdar Jang. He dismissed the latter from the Wizarat and appointed Intizam-ud-Daulah as Wazir instead. The property and houses of the ex-Wazir's followers and all those suspected of having sympathies with him, were plundered. The Emperor sent letters to different zamindars and chiefs asking them to join him against Safdar Jang.40 The Emperor and Safdar Jang's opponents attempted to wean away Suraj Mal, sometimes with promises of high honour and sometimes with threats of vengeance. But the faithful Jat treated both "with equal scorn".41
On the other side, in retaliation for his dismissal, Safdar Jang enthroned a rival Emperor, entitled, Akbar Adil Shah, making himself his Wazir and Salabat the Mir Bakhshi. Suraj Mal concurred with the move.42 Amidst daily skirmishes Safdar Jang wrested Kohtila of Firoz Shah (3 miles south of new Delhi) from the hands of the imperialists (night of 17th May). Ismail Khan mounted guns on it and opened fire. Some shots fell inside the fort, but the Jats in the royal service stood their ground. This enthused other Mughal gunners and they charged guns, placed at Lal Darwaza, causing some damage to Kohtila. Ismail now pushed forward his trenches and in order to capture Intizam's house, he laid out a mine which he fired on 5th June. At this time the Jats and Gosains rushed at the enemy and their victory appeared in sight when Najib and others enforced the imperialists and they pushed them back. Thereupon, 5,000 Jat mounted matchlockmen and Qizilbashes advanced to restore the fight, while the imperialists sent yet another succour under Hafiz Bakhtawar, Sadal Khan and others to Najib. The fight was long and bloody but remained indecisive. The artillery duel continued all night but about 4 a.m. Ismail evacuated Kohitila, which was occupied by the imperialists. They now opened fire on Safdar Jang's tents, which forced him to move southwards towards Tal Katora (4 miles from the city).43
39. Mirat, 893.
40. Srivastava, Oudh, 231-232.
41. Qanungo. Jats, 85; Memoires des Jats, 38 footnote.
42. TAH., 54b; Sujan, 148, 149; Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 135.
43. TAfH., 55b-57b; Bayan-i-Waqai in Elliot, VIII, 138; Nur, 9a-9b, 10b-11b.
[p.151]: The Jats and Qizilbashes, however, led sporadic attacks daily on this or that part of the city but the imperialists would rush in and restore the outposts. In the evening of 12th June, an action took place at Idgah in which many Jat soldiers and some of their officers were slain. Yahya Khan Mir Munshi, who was posted there, had relations with Suraj Mal. He was, therefore, arrested and his property was confiscated.44
On 14th June, Safdar Jang suffered a stunning blow in the death of his valiant commander Rajendra Giri Gosain at the battle of Tal Katora. Early on that day, the Gosain, Ismail Khan and the Jats under Surati Ram Gaur attacked all the enemy trenches. The Jats and the Qizilbashes, bearing the brunt of this charge, inflicted heavy losses upon the opposite Bandakhashi and Maratha troops. Their victory appeared in sight when Imad-ul-Mulk rushed in with reignforcements and after a great battle he repulsed the enemy. Amidst the shower of the muskets Rajendra Giri and Surati Ram were wounded. The former succumbed to his wounds next day. The death of this brave monk so much shocked Safdar Jang that for full 10 days he remained completely inactive.45
Safdar Jang had as good as lost the contest by now. His falling morale and general indifference depleted his following further. Even his high officials and near relatives, like Sher Jang, crossed over, while the strength of the imperialists, as a result of the desertions from his side and fresh arrivals, swelled to 1,00,000 men. With the master lying heart-broken, and his strength badly reduced, and the jubilant enemy getting additions everyday, the utter hopelessness of Safdar Jang's cause could not have remained a secret to Suraj Mal. And he was too practical a man to invite ruin. Therefore, he became anxious for honourable peace, even though he neither crossed over nor drew back from Safdar's side. He sent his agents (end of June) to the Wazir, Intizam, to negotiate pardon and peace but on the condition that he be left in possession of all his territories. The Wazir responded and sent his man to settle peace with Suraj Mal. At the same time the Emperor prompted Raja Devi Dutta to send Ram Nath to Suraj Mal. He spent the night at the Jat camp and then came back with the Jat chiefs petitions addressed to the Emperor. However, in the ensuing discussion, Imad-ul-Mulk, who stood for a, fight to the end, opposed the matter and thus the peace move fell for the present.46
Meanwhile, desultory warfare continued. A fierce battle occurred on 1st July in which artillery played the leading role. One of the Jat
44. TAH., 58a.
45. TAH., 58b-59a; Sujan, 172-173; D.C.; Gulistan, 49; Gul, 73.
46. TAH., 60a-60b; Srivastava, Oudh, 236.
[p.152]: Bakhshi's, Gokul Ram, was furious as his brother,Surati Ram, had been wounded in the preceding encounter. He, therefore, directed a determined assault injunction with the Nagas, and worsted his enemies, putting many of them to flight. But in the process he was fatally struck with a ball. "Continue the pursuit", was the dying wish of the gallant Jat commander. Yet shocked as the Jats were by this tragedy, they could not carry their advantage of its logical conclusion. Victory thus eluded Safdar Jang once again.47
Suraj Mal advised Safdar Jang to withdraw further south as a strategic move to draw out the enemy in the open, away from the safe refuge of the city and the fort. Safdar Jang agreed and moved to Chirgh-i-Dilli and then on 16th July to Tilpat (12 miles south of Delhi). As they retreated, Imad moved forward up to Khizrabad. The imperialists sacked the adjoining areas, dragging away money, property and women. On 25th July, the Jats under Jawahar Singh, Balram and Raja Gujar attacked the Rohillas, then besieging the fortress of Garhi Maidan. A long and fierce fight ensued wherein the rival combatants displayed their characteristic cool and defiant valour. Ultimately, the Jats emerged victorious. They routed the Rohillas and put them to flight, capturing all their guns and arms. Despite being in an overall position gaining this defeat "highly contorted Imad with anger." The very next day he went to Delhi and appealed to the Emperor to take command in person, so that matters could be expedited. But, Ahmad Shah refused it on the advice of the Wazir.48
A few days later Suraj Mal entrenched himself between Badarpur and Sarai Bakhtawar Khan. On 30th July (29th Ramzan), his troops appeared near the Badarpur canal, skirmished with the imperialists and then retired. After a lull, on 19th August (19th Shawwal) the Jats, the Qizilbashes and the Nagas issued forth and fierce though scattered, fighting occurred at several points between Tughlaqabad and the Yamuna, in which the Jats and the Rohillas signalized themselves. At one place, a Jat contingent under Sheo Singh grappled with the Marathas. Initially, the former gained the upper hand, but Sheo Singh received a spear thrust in his thigh. Soon the Marathas rallied forth and the Jats were repulsed. Next morning, Safdar Jang left Faridabad and in the next few days fell back south of Ballamgarh. All this while, Imad kept on pushing forward, and reaching north of Faridabad, decided to remove the thorn, the fort of Ballamgarh. Meanwhile, some auxiliaries, and the imperial artillerymen clamouring for their arrears of salary drew back from their posts. At this Safdar Jang reassembled his men and
47. Sujan, 174-176; TAH., 60a-6Ib; Srivastava, Oudh, 237.
48. TAH., 66a, 64a; Sujan, 176-181; cf. Bayan-i-Waqa/ in Elliot, Vlll, 139.
[p.153]: launched an attack, but in vain. On 7th and 8th September, 5 to 6 thousand Jats readvanced upto Faridabad. They completely cut off the enemy supplies through their intermittent attacks, though in the process they lost one of their Sardars, Muhkam Singh. This turn in the situation "despaired" Imad and he again appealed to the Emperor for help but with no better results than before. Thinking that he alone could not crush his enemies, Imad sought help from the Holkar and Scinde (then in south), promising them one crore of Rupees, over and above the governorship of Awadh and Allahabad assured to the Marathas earlier.49
Meanwhile, the Wazir and the Emperor, dreading Imad's capability and his rapidly growing prestige, became eager for peace. Hence, on the one hand they wrote to Madho Singh to come and help to establish peace, while on the other once more readily responded to Suraj Mal's renewed overtures. The very day when Imad met the Emperor (l2th September), Suraj Mal contacted the Wazir, promising to pay a few lakhs of Rupees for making peace. On 14th September, Intizam sent his Vakil Lutfulla Beg to Suraj Mal and the two together met Safdar Jang. Meanwhile, taking advantage of the helplessness of hard core Imad, the forces of Suraj Mal and Safdar Jang, proceeding forward, attacked and defeated the imperialists at Sarai Bakhtawar Khan, Badarpur and a few other places. About a week later, Safdar Jang's troops attacked the royal trenches of Bakhtawar Khan from the south, while the Jats (who had been sent upto Badarpur to escort back Lutfullah Beg along with Safdar Jang's envoys, Raja Lakshmi Narain, Raja Jugal Kishore and others) from the north. A fierce fight raged all night till the Bikaner and Maratha (under Antaji) reinforced Bakhtawar Khan and the assailants were driven back. This treacherous attack justifiably bewildered the Emperor and his courtiers. Die hard elements got an opportunity and peace talks were cut short once more (22nd September - 24th Zi-Qad), despite the all out efforts of the Wazir.50
On 29th September (1st Zil-Hijja) was fought the last notable battle of the series at the tank of Faridabad. Safdar Jang and Suraj Mal decided to launch a vigorous offensive on the imperialists before fresh troops under Imad could reach them. Keeping Jawahar Singh (who had just re-joined his father) in the rear, both these moved on and amdist cannonade, overpowered the right wing of the royal trenches, killing many Marathas. However, Hafiz Bakhtawar, Abu Turab and others led successive re-inforcements to restore the struggle. In the end came Imad and Najib with yet another reinforcement. Displaying exemplary
49. TAH., 67a-67b, 69b-7Ib; Sujan, 181-193; D.C., Srivastava, Oudh, 239.
50. TAH., 72b-74b; D.C.
[p.154]: courage on this occasion, Imad drove his elephant amidst his enemies and then after a severe contest, in which both sides suffered heavily, he succeeded in worsting the Jats. Ismail Khan and Sada Ram (a Jat general) were among those wounded. Imad pushing his enemies further south, occupied Najesar and opened fire on nearby Ballamgarh while Najib occupied Sihi and along with the Marathas he plundered the Jat populace.51
A few days later, Madho Singh arrived as per the Emperor's orders. By now every one except Imad, had become positively keen to end the war. Apart from the huge expenditure in the futile contest the possibility of Imad's junction with the Marathas increasingly worried the Wazir, the Emperor, Safdar Jang as also Suraj Mal. The latter had tried to make peace through the Wazir but had failed due to the opposition of Imad. Now about the middle of October, he opened direct negotiations with Imad through Najib. Imad now relented and directed Najib and Bahadur Khan Billoch and Ajit Singh to negotiate with Suraj Mal and Balram Jat, at a place midway between Ballamgarh and the royal trenches. Suraj Mal wanted status quo per ante to be maintained, namely, that he be allowed to retain his present dominions and Safdar Jang the governorship of Allahabad and Awadh. He also offered to pay a few lakhs of Rupees as tribute. To these propositions Imad did not agree. Instead he asked Suraj Mal to surrender all the mahals over and above those originally belonging to his father. In case of Safdar Jang he replied that in place of the above two provinces (which actually he wanted to keep for himself) Ahmadabad, Gujrat could be given to him. The Bakhshi added that peace could be made only if he paid a big sum as tribute and indemnity, failing that war would continue. Excessive severity of Imad's demands thus disrupted the negotiations once again.52
However, Imad had to retrace his steps very soon due to the underhand policy of his rival, the Wazir (backed by the Emperor). The Emperor's plan of making terms behind his (Bakshi's) back, leaked out. This upset the Bakshi, who, wished to take the credit himself and he opened a dialogue with Suraj Mal. But Intizam stole a march on him. He arranged that the Emperor should go to Madho Singh's camp and there conclude peace with Suraj Mal. Accordingly on 25th October (27th Zil-Hijja) Ahmad Shah, later joined by Intizam, went to Khizrabad. After offering his own customary presents, on behalf of Suraj Mal, Madho Singh presented 9 asharfis to the Emperor and requested him to pardon that chief. The Jat Vakil, offering 1 mohar, appealed for the same. The Emperor accepted the presents, pardoned
51. TAH., 75b-76a; Sujan (193-201) wrongly assigns victory to Suraj Mal in this contest; D.C; Akhbarat, 25th September, Peshwa Daftar Poona (in R.S.L. Vo. XXIX, part II, p. 73) incorrectly asserts that Ballamgarh fell to the imperialists.
52. TAH., 78a-78b.
[p.155]: Suraj Mal and returned to Delhi. The Wazir "greatly rejoiced" that the peace (with Suraj Mal) was not made by Imad. From his camp (near Ballamgarh) Suraj Mal went to the camp of Madho Singh. There he met and presented asharfis to the Wazir who was waiting there by previous arrangement. The Wazir later left but Suraj Mal and Aqibat Mahmud (the agent of Imad) stayed on in the Raja's camp for that night and the next five days.53 There is every reason to believe that Suraj Mal shared in the efforts for securing an honourable pardon for his old friend, Safdar Jang as well.54 On 1st November (4th Muharram), Suraj Mal returned to his camp having earlier paid a visit to the Emperor.55 Peace with Safdar Jang was also made (7th November) in the same secret way.
J.N. Sarkar seems to be a little ungenerous in his estimate to the Jats' part in the Civil War, from the viewpoint of Safdar Jang. He says that the sack of Delhi by the Jats "alienated the people of the Capital and its environs" from Safdar Jang and that "the faithful Jat allies" .. failed to turn a single field" in Safdar Jang's favour.56 We have already examined the sack of Delhi in all its aspects. As regards the latter issue, the Jat triumph in the battle of Garhi Maidan seems to have escaped his attention. To cite one more example, the Jats beat the imperialists in the campaign of 1st July, but it was the chance killing of their Bakhshi in the last moment that deprived them of a clear victory. All the same, their performance in this as also in most other fields does not endorse the underlying purport of the above view, if we only keep in mind the kind of master and the circumstances under whom the Jats had to fight. Valour and courage the Jats never lacked, but they could not make up the deficiency in numbers. Safdar Jang's advantage of 15,000 Jats was nearly neutralized the day (early in June) Najib with 15,000 and Jeta Gujar with another 2,000 joined the opposite side. And then it was Safdar Jang with his poor or at best average generalship, accompanied by his subsequent despondency and unending desertions (totalling 23, 000), that was pitted against the gallant and shrewd captain Imad with his big numbers (83,000 over and above 17,000 mentioned). In the context, it would be futile to expect a miracle from Suraj Mal and his men. As seen above, in more than one campaign the Jats gained initial advantage but a stream of reinforcements followed eventually turning the scales agairist them. But
53. TAH., 8Ib-83a; S.P.D. XXVII 83; Rajwade, I, 17; cf. Sujan, 201; Memoires des Jats, and Tawarikh-i-Hunud, though dealing exclusively with the Jats, has inexplicably avoided all the details of Suraj Mal's part in the Civil War.
54. Francklin (Shah-Aulum, 3) says that Intizam pursuaded the Emperor to accept "the mediation of the Jats in favour of Mansur Ali". Also see Sharma, Jaipur, 176; Qanungo, Jats, 86.
55. TAH., 83a-83b.
56. Sarkar, Fall, I, 452.
[p.155]: for Suraj Mal what would have been the ultimate fate of the lone Safdar Jang with his inalienable handicaps is not difficult to visualize. This negative measure in itself may sufficiently reveal the real importance of Suraj Mal's arms to Safdar Jang, even though that chief positively failed in serving his ally to victory. It is true that after the war had been in progress for sometime, Suraj Mal desired peace, but only in a gloomy situation and even then not at the cost of his friend. Safdar Jang's relatives and top officials deserted him in his distress but Suraj Mal faithfully stood by him and while carrying on negotiations (with Imad), he did not forget to do his worth to safeguard the interests of his ally as well.57
Parting company with each other must have saddened the hearts of the old friends (Safdar Jang and Suraj Mal), who had done so much for each other in the past. While bidding farewell (c. 17th November, at Mathura), Safdar Jang gave a splendid khilat to Suraj Mal and the latter provided his "great friend" (grand Ami) the ex- Wazir with the accessories -- "horses, camels, carriages, and other similarities in great quantity" -- for his homeward march.58
Suraj Mal had usurped the royal territories and also opposed both the imperial Wazir and the Mir Bakhshi but never before had he waged a war against the Emperor as he did while helping the former Wazir. This was a new development and ran contrary to his usual show of loyalty to the Mughal throne. Rebellion is always a rebellion. Yet it is worthwhile to keep in mind that the struggle of Safdar Jang, and impliedly of Suraj Mal also, was really against Intizam and Imad and only ostensibly against the Emperor. Safdar Jang had said, "my enemies are Intizam and Imad and my business is with them". The Emperor, who was neither "his own master" nor "acted according to his own judgement", was merely a cipher. In setting himself to crush the Emperor's rebels, Imad outwardly showed himself to be the most obedient servant. But reality took only a few months to dawn upon the Emperor (as also the new Wazir) and then he himself sought to pardon and preserve his rebels as a means to counteract his Bakhshi. It is interesting to note here that even in their rebellion, Safdar Jang and Suraj Mal did not go beyond what we have already narrated, but Imad, while posing loyalty, was destined to put two sovereigns to death. Whatever be the technical nuances, the fact is that the same Emperor and the then Wazir had begun to draw close to the rebels and vice versa, even before their rebellion ended.
57. K.R. Qanungo (Jats, 86) observes, "The Jat Rajah refused to sheathe his sword unless the Emperor restored the vice royalties of Oudh and Allahabad .. to Safdar Jang."
58. Memoires des Jats, 38-39; Herein it contradicts the baseless rumour then afloat that the Jats captured treasures of the discomfited Safdar Jang. It is, however, likely as Tawarikh-t-Hunud, 21 b would suggest that Safdar Jang resigned to Suraj Mal booty captured during the war, as a means to defray the expenses of the Jat contingent.