The Jats Vol. 2/Introduction
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- Their Role and Contribution to the Socio-Economic Life and Polity of North and North West India,
- Vol.II, 2006.
- Ed. by Dr Vir Singh
- Publisher - M/S Originals (an imprint of low priced publications), A-6, Nimri commercial Centre, Near Ashok Vihar, Phase-IV, Delhi-110052. e-mail: lpp@nde.vsnl.net.in, url: http://www.lppindia.com, © Surajmal Memorial Education Society
- ISBN 81-88629-51-0 (H.B.) Price Rs 525/-& ISBN 81-88629-52-9 (P.B.)
Introduction
This volume contains the papers presented in two National Seminars on the topic, The Jats: Their Role and Contribution to the Socio-economic Life and Polity of India successively organized by the Centre for Research and Publication of Surajmal Memorial Education Society on 14-15th February, 2004 and 30th April and 1st May, 2005. Selected papers from both the Seminars have been arranged thematically dealing with history and culture of different regions in a chronological pattern. It will give a glimpse of the Jats history and culture to the readers.
The Volume II is a step forward than the Volume I (2004) in the direction of more illumination of various facets of the role and contribution of the Jats as the papers have been presented on inter-disciplinary aspects by the learned scholars. The area covered by the papers is far-wider as it encompasses not only North-Western India but also Persia and other Arabian territories.
A capsule study of the themes of the papers is attempted here to give an idea of the subject to the readers.
Large population of the Jats
The early medieval Arab historians and geographers mention large population of the Jats in Makran, Baluchistan, Multan and Sindh. From Makran to Mansura the whole tract was inhabited by the Jats. On this long route they rendered great service as road guards. From these places many Jats had migrated to Persia and settled there. They created their economic resources and made significant contribution to urbanization of Persia. There were big cities like Al-Zutt and Haumat-al-Zutt. The coastal fertile region of the Persian gulf from Ubullah near Basra to Bahrain, Oman and Yemen in Southern Arabia had many pockets of Jat population and they engaged themselves in different kinds of occupation including cattle breeding. For long before the advent of Islam the Sasanid Emperors Shapur I (241-272 AD) and Behran V. Gur (420-438 AD) transported war like tribes, Jats and Meds from Sindh to Khurasan and the Persian Gulf from there they migrated to West Asia and Europe.
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Jats converted to Islam
Arab lands were under Persian and Roman rule at that time. When Persia and many parts of Arab territory came under Muslim rule, the Jats got further opportunity to migrate to other arts of Arab region. In due course many Jats joined the Muslim Army and some converted to Islam. They participated in Islamic wars against non-muslims but remained neutral in the internal affairs and quarrels of local muslims.
By the help of Jat soldiers the Sasanid Empire came to an end at the death of Yazdagird about 651-652 AD. It also paved the ground for launching systematic military campaigns for the conquest of Sindh. The daring and faithful Jats were in great demand there both in military and civil services.
Later the Jats did not remain neutral in tribal wars and joined Governor of Sijistan against al-Hajjaj during 700-704 AD. Hajjaj subdued the rebellion and punished the Jats for violating the neutral policy in internal Arab dissensions. The Jats strengthened their position in the course of time in the low-lying areas of Kaskar near Bagdad. In the very heart of Iraq, the Jats became a formidable power as well as a potent source of trouble and challenge to the rulers. Later mighty Abbasid army broke their power in 840 AD. In the course of time, the Jats of West Asia became so thoroughly assimilated and desolved in Arab-Muslim culture that now it is difficult to delineate their history as a distinct Indian tribe. Movement and migrations of the Jats not only indicate the existence of social mobility among them in the distant areas but also show that due to their tribal background they had capacity to settle and earn their livelihood in accordance with the changed environments of those areas.
Dahir imposed restrictions on the Jats
According to an inscription Raja Salindra Jit formed the Jat Kingdom at Salpoori in Punjab in the first decade of 5th century. In the seventh century, Sindh was divided between the followers of Brahmanism and Buddhism belonging to different ethnic groups. Chach (650-672 AD) defeated Agham the local ruler of Brahmanabad in Sindh. Victorious Brahmin ruler Chach applied staunch measures on the martial Jats, the supporters of Agham, to disarm them and to degrade their military morale and status. He said if the Jats distinguished themselves in the military labour force in various capacities such as caravan escorts and guides, military secret services as spies, king's body guards and to protect Brahmanabad - his confidence and faith would be established on their sincere support. Dahir son of Chach also imposed certain restrictions on the Jats, Meds, Samma, Sammera and other tribes in the territorial unit of Lohana directly ruled by him. It can be inferred that the Brahmin rulers wanted to bring these tribes into the Brahmanical
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order to show their superiority over them and their main aim was to contain the rebellious character of the martial Jats.
At the time of conquest of Sindh (712 AD), the Arab Commander, Muhammad Kasim is reported to have had encounter with the Jats in different territories to the West of river Sindh. He made peace with the Jats. These Jat villagers are mentioned as famous swords men. On the wrong advice of his Brahmin Wazir Siyakar, Dahir did not obstruct the invaders route and the Arab Commander Qasim crossed the river Sindh without obstruction and Dahir was defeated. This fair weather Wazir transferred his allegiance to Arabs and advised Qasim to retain restrictions on the eastern Jat, Lakha, Samma and Summera tribes in Lohana territory. But in northern territories held by the Vassal Buddhist chiefs, the Jats were free from all restrictions.
Jats and Mahmud of Ghazna
The Ismailis captured power in Sindh and Multan in 985 AD. The Jats were supporting them. The Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna destroyed Ismaili. In 1025 AD the Jats of Multan and Bhatiya region fell upon his retreating army from Somnath in Gujarat and inflicted heavy losses on it. Sultan to avenge the insult of his army attacked the Jats after two years great preparations in 1027 AD and defeated them in a fierce naval warfare with heavy losses. In the reign of Ghanzavid Sultan Masud, his Indian Commander used the Jats as mercenaries to suppress and catch the rebel Ghaznavid Governor of Lahore, Ahmed Yenaltigini in 1035 AD. But the Jats of Multan never acknowledged the Ghaznavid sovereignty and ever followed their rebellious attitude. Faqih Saliti suppressed their rebellion in 1041 AD. It can be inferred that the roots of martial tradition were in the countryside of Punjab and Sindh rather than in Army Camp.
Jat settlements in Marwar
Sindh and Multan is bounded on the south by the arid region of Marwar in Rajasthan. Muhnot Nainsi mentions tribal settlements of Bhills, Kolis, Meenas, Meds and Jats in Marwar region. Prior to the coming of Rathors in Marwar in 15th century Nainsi refers to Jat settlement at Bhadana belonging to the Saran clan of the Jats. Due to internal rivalry with Saran clan the other Jat clan Godara helped Bika in establishing Rathor principality in Bikaner. The migration of Jats from other areas to Marwar led to the setting up of various villages in different parganas of Marwar especially between the period from 15th to 17th century. In this context the clan structure of the Jats assumes significance which might have facilitated the mobilization as well as movement of the collective strength Of the clan in terms of man power and agricultural capital.
Dayal Das also mentions Saran, Godara, Beniwal, Punia, Asiagh, Johya and Kaswan Jat-clans who managed their affairs themselves before Rathors.
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Jat resistance under Gokula
Uptill 11th century the Jat transformation from pastoralists was in process and a more settled state was emerging. The Jat expansion continued unabatedly from 11th to 16th century. The Ain-i-Akbari compiled around 1595 enters the zamindar castes against each pargana within each Sarkar of Multan, Lahore, Delhi and Agra Subas indicating the Jat zamindars in 535 parganas out of 628 parganas. Jats are shown a dominant socio-economic group in these Subas. The Jats are depicted in the Ain-i-Akbari as wide spread vigorous peasant castes in North India. Abul Fazl provides variety of information regarding their areas of in habitation, their military strength, nature of the population of their areas, the agricultural productions, the revenue and its distribution in the form of grant. Other Mughal sources also describe the Jats as a socio-economically very active caste of the areas from Punjab to Agra-Mathura region. The tendency of the state to fix the revenue at the higher rate and the restraint and resistance of the Jat peasants towards it ultimately resulted in various rebellions. Peasant-zamindar problem can be noticed since the time of Babar, Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan in 1563, 1623, 1634, 1637, 1638, 1645, 1650 and 1656. But the Jat resistance began in the reign of Aurangzeb when in the leadership-of Gokula the peasants refused to pay the land revenue and resorted to armed struggle.
Had the Jat rising been a mere agrarian revolt, the bloody sword of Hasan Ali might have finished the affair. But the phenomenon was otherwise. The virile Jats seemed to grow more numerous and formidable after each defeat, though the main center of the Jat revolt later on shifted from Mathura in Doab to Sinsini in eastern Rajasthan.
The period from 1682-1688 is very important from the point of militarization of peasant movement. During this period non-jat zamindars and farmers also joined armed rebellion with the Jats against the imperialists (Amber-Mughal combine) in the Brij region. Raja Bishan Singh wanted to extirpate the Jats at the order of Aurangzeb. This front became so strong that even after the death of its leader Raja Ram in 1688 it did not submit to the imperialists during 1688-1695. Among the Jat chiefs Brij Raj, Bhajja, Raja Ram, Churaman and Badan Singh had struggled hard to create and form the principality of Bharatpur in the last decades of seventeenth and first half of eighteenth century, The contribution of Suraj Mal (1707-1763) was undoubtedly the most outstanding and enduring. It was his effective leadership that Bharatpur principality reached the zenith of its territorial expansion, material prosperity, military prowess and was dreaded by regional potentates of North India.
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Taxation of the Jat regions
Scholars have attempted to work-out economy and the system of taxation of the Jat regions. Raja Bishan Singh was granted pargana of Kol, Agra and Mathura in jagir. He was also granted faujdari of pargana Mathura and zamindari of Sinsini. He was conferred upon the pargana of Au in inam. The first reference of pargana Au appears in Ain-i-Akbari as a mahal of Deeg sarkar of Agra, Suba Akbarabad, Raja Bishan Singh managed the affairs (1688-1694) of pargana Au through sub-assignees. However a large number of villages were in khalisa because none of the jagirdars wanted to take risk to collect the revenue from the Jat peasants.
The agarian exactions were called mal-o-Jihai in the system of taxation in Pargana Mathura. The land revenue, the original tax on individual crop is mal and tax collected to meet the expenses incurred in connection with assessment and collection of mal is Jihat. The inclusion of several tax other than land revenue to the jama (total income) was well established practice in Mughal revenue system called siwai jama bandi. These taxes were related to perquisites, certain professions, agriculture and general taxes. Most of the crops were assessed through measurement in the fertile region of Mathura. Sawai Jai Singh had leased out the revenue of the villages to the local zamindars who played an important role in the collection of revenue. The rich resident peasants (gawai/gaonveti/raiyati/i.e.Khud-Kasht) were paying at the higher rate while the outsider cultivators (pahi) were paying at the lower rate since they were invited by the state to expand the cultivation. The Khud-kasht formed the bulk of population in the Jat villages and many of them belonged to the category of superior right-holders. The villages under the category of Pahis were less.
In the Mughal revenue system, mansabdars had to maintain the contingents out of the collection from their assignments. But, sometimes, it was difficult to collect the revenue smoothly from the region of Jats of Sinsini and Mathura. So the Amber ruler settled the terms with the local zamindars for revenue collection. Keeping in view the nature of Mughal policy about the transfer of Tankhwah Jagirs, they also adhered to ijara system and farm out the revenue of some villages to the headman (muqadaam) of the village for a lump sum amount.
Cultural and religious revolution
In the 16th-17th centuries the Brij Mandal saw the growth of two parallel phenomenon. Firstly, the rise of agriculturist Jats as a brave and indomitable people who were not ready to bow their heads before any authority that they considered oppressive. Secondly, the Brij region
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saw a fascinating, multi-coloured and ingenious cultural and religious revolution in the form of Krishna-Bhakti. The combination of these developments were unique in the context of history of the Jats and their contribution towards enrichment of socio-cultural life of India. The Jats followed the character of their supreme diety Krishna, who started worship of Goverdhan instead of Indra. They opposed the over centralized regime of Aurangzeb and encouraged Goverdhan Parikrama. The Jats drew inspiration from their diety, in which there was a combination of ultimate God of Love, the Madhurya form of Bhagwata Purana with the die-hard spirit to flight back violence with violence, the Aishwarya form of Mahabharata in the personality of Krishna. The Jats threw away the yoke of dependence of the Mughals and in the midst of political turmoil they also protected, nurtured and promoted Prema/Ragatrinika Bhakti of Krishna.
In this volume the process of acquisition of political power by the Jat Sikhs has also been included. The Jats of Sindh and north-west Punjab spread to other parts of south-east Punjab between 7th to 11th century and converted the jungles of dry plains into fertile agricultural land by creating irrigation facilities. But they could not suddenly enter the ranks of other Hindu peasant castes for quite sometime after their colonization of this region. This was a constant worry which might have induced them to adopt Sikhism.
Guru Nanak's constant tirade against caste and creed and his message of universal brotherhood induced the Jats to seek a place for themselves in the fraternity and to get known as the most ardent followers of Sikhism. Although they formed the bulk of the disciples of Sikhism, they could not penetrate the office of the Guru which was zealously occupied by a succession of Khatris through various machinations. Sikhism, however, was getting identified with the struggle of the Jat peasant of the Punjab against the predatory practices of the Mughal state. The egalitarian moral precepts of Guru Nanak thus got transformed into an ideology of military in the hands of the subsequent Gurus and their Jat followers.
Guru Govind Singh formally adopted five 'K's (Panj kakke) on the Vaisakhi of 1699 as the symbol of Sikhism. Banda Bahadur who was commissioned by Guru Govind Singh in 1710 to lead the Khalsa against the oppressors, led a serious uprising specially in rural Punjab. Under the adverse political and economic conditions the members of Tat khalsa made small jathas a senior military organization called dharwais who plundered government treasurers and caravans of merchants on highways. The dharwais plundered the tear of Nadir Shah's army on
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its return from Delhi. in 1739. Thus they became politically and economically sound.
The failure of Muin-ul-Mulk in suppressing the Sikhs is reflected in the popular saying 'the more Mir Mannu mows us down, the more numerous we grow'. The defeat of Mir Mannu by Ahmad Shah Abdali and his appointment by him as his representative at Lahore in 1752 was the end of the Mughal rule in Punjab. But the faujdars and other officials appointed by Abdali were resisted by the Sikhs and were not allowed to join their posts. The Sikhs continued to secure strong holds and fortresses in different parts of Punjab. After the exit of Abdali in 1765 Sikhs became the masters of Punjab. Ties of kinship and their religious faith and doctrines provided the Sikhs firm ground for development and they organized themselves in misls Sarbat Khalsa, the assembly of the chiefs held twice a year at Amritsar during Baisakhi and Diwali festivals. All decisions taken there called Gurmata was morally binding on all. The leader (Sarkarda) of the smallest party of the horse that fought under the standard of the misls was given his share in the territorial possession acquired by them. They received no pay for reciprocal aid for protection and defence. These arrangements made the Sikhs more formidable. The matrimonial alliances between the chiefs of misls also played a role in consolidating their power.
Rise of Misls
In this broader context the rise of Sukerchakias under the leadership of Charat Singh, Maha Singh and Ranjit Singh can be understood better. Jat tribal pride received a new boost since 1799 when Ranjit Singh who hailed from the Jat Sansi tribe, launched upon the mission of subordinating the wayward misl Sardars of Punjab to the authority of the Sukerchakia misl. Through clever diplomacy he gradually united almost the whole of the Punjab under his rule and stopped at the bank of the Sutlej. The British agreed to leave his kingdom untouched on the understanding that Ranjit Singh was not to disturb the British proteges beyond the Sutlej. He was the only king of his genre who could deal with the British on equal terms and whom the British did not dare to disturb while he was alive.
Relations of the Jats with Marathas
In spite of having touched the pinnacle of martial glory, Jat tribes were agriculturists to the core and derived most of their fame from their contributions to the enrichments of the soil. Some Jats were Hindus, some Mohammadans and some Sikhs. Settlement reports abound in the praise of the care bestowed by the Jat cultivators to their holdings. Declining and disintegrating Mughal empire gave opportunity to regional powers to fill the vacuum. Here relations of the Jats with Marathas and the Sikhs are discussed.
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The Jats of Brij region successfully established themselves in north India and in the south the Marathas under Peshwa Brij Rao I were able to establish a confederacy consisting of Bhonsles of Nagpur, Holkars of Indore, Gaekwads of Gujrat and Schindhias of Gwalior. After establishing their role in the south the Marathas envisage their plan to enlarge their possessions in the North. The Jats had occupied a very strategic region around the national capital Delhi. They ever stood in the way of over ambitious Marathas to occupy this area. It was natural that the Marathas did not like the rise of Jats in this region. The Jats also considered the Marathas as a challenge to their existence. Consequently, the Jats and Marathas contingent clashed with each other in Bhopal expedition in 1738, battle of Bagru in August 1748, in May 1749 near Fatehpur, in Delhi in 1753, Kumher in 1754 and later in Gohad region. The Jats and Marathas also fought as an ally in support of Safdarjung in Rohilkhand in 1751-1752. Jaippa Schindhia became friend of Surajmal at Kumher in 1754. Later Raghunath Rao also came to terms to Surajmal. Thus the relations between them were based on mutual utility.
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia's relation with Bharatpur
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia of Kapurthala's relation with Bharatpur State is mentioned here. Jawahar Singh sent his vakil Harjimal Rababi in February 1764 and later met himself Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia of Kapurthala state to enlist his help against Najib-ud-daula to avenge the death of his father. Jassa Singh assured his help against Najib and advised Jawahar Singh to invite Marathas also. The joint forces of Jawahar Singh, Malhar Holkar and Jassa Singh closely invested Delhi in November 1764 and nothing was allowed to go inside the city. Najib sought an interview with the Jats and Marathas for peace and offered rupees fifteen lakhs to Holkar. Thus, when the Afghans were on the verge of annihilation Malhar Rao went over to Afghan's side and Jawahar Singh was compelled to conclude peace with Najib.
Jat Raja Nahar Singh and Shahmal Jat fight for freedom
After the victory at Plassey in 1757 the East India Company gradually transformed India into a consumer of British manufacturers and supply of raw materials. Indians were excluded from honour, dignity or office which the lowest Englishmen could be prevailed to accept. The wide spread discontent which arose in 1857 was much more than mere sepoy discontent. But the Schindhia of Gwalior, the Holkar of Indore, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Rajput Rajas of Rajasthan, the Raja of Jind, the Nawab of Bhopal, the Patiala and other chieftains of Punjab, the Maharaja of Kashmir and many other Muslim and Hindu Zamindars gave active support to the Britishers in the revolt of 1857. But Jat Raja Nahar Singh of Ballabhgarh (Haryana) extended active
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support against British army to the Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah in 1857 but was defeated and hanged. It was not only Raja Nahar Singh, but also the peasants of Baraut region of western Uttar Pradesh who took part in the struggle against Britishers in 1857 under Shahmal Jat of Bijrol. Shahmal organized the peasants against oppressive zamindars. He also met Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah. Martial Jat peasants under his effective leadership gave a tough fight but were killed with their leader by the British army. The head of the patriot Shah Mal was taken on spear from village to village to terrify the peasants.
Jats: the traditional warriors
The Jats have traditionally been associated with warfare and it is not surprising that they fitted so easily into the tradition of being a leading martial race of India. Abstemious in habits and possessing a high degree of courage they remain steadfast under the most adverse conditions. The Jat makes a perfect soldier, mercenary or otherwise, because of his simple, down to earth practical lifestyle, following on from this strong peasant arms, keen eyesight and natural indomitability.
In the modern history of India the British confronted the Jats in the renowned battle of Bharatpur in 1804 where Lord Lake suffered his first set back in arms. Jats fought the Britishers at Bhiwani in 1809 and again at Bharatpur in 1825. The British recognized the Jat a skilled and tenacious warrior, and put the Jats into regiments principal among them is the Jat Regiment. As part of British Army and later Indian Army, the Jat Regiment as organized force has participated in many wars and campaigns where they really proved themselves as warriors and earned many laurels and gallantry awards for the country and the regiment.
The onset of British rule had benefited the Jats as many of them could join the British forces and thus reduce the pressure on the over populated Manjha districts of Lahore, Sialkote, Gurdaspur and Gujrawala where the peasant holdings had became inadequate for the support of a family. The indifference of the people of Punjab towards the uprising of 1857 was probably a reflection of the contentment of the peasantry under the British. The canal irrigation projects undertaken by the British in the Punjab also came as a great relief to the Jat zamindars of the congested central Punjab districts. The Jats of central Punjab gradually moved to settle in Sindhai, Sohag Para, Chunian, lower chenab and other canal colonies. The choice of the Jats for the lion's share of the new colony lands illustrated the class rather than simply the caste aspect of colonisation as the term Jat had become almost synonymous with zamindars in the Punjab. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1901 decided that only scheduled agriculturists
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could own agricultural land. It further boosted the Jat settlers. Although military personnel and ex-servicemen were given preference, only bonafide agriculturists among retired armymen received military grants. The vast resources lying with the Sikh gurudwaras under the control of mahants appointed by the British government became the target of the disgruntled agriculturists and they started appealing to Sikh religious sentiments as a means of mobilization of the Sikhs in the rural areas. A new political party called the Central Sikh League was formed in Lahore in March 1919 followed by the formation of a committee for the management of gurudwaras (the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee). This was to be assisted by the Shiromani Akali Dal, formed at Amritsar in December 1920. The Shiromani Akali Dal did not remain a mere political party. Bands of volunteers - Akali Jathas - poured in from all sides and the Akali movement was born.
While the aspiration of the Sikh Jats found expression in the Akali movement, Hindu Jats concentrated in the south-east of Punjab, could orchestrate their demands through local leaders like Chaudhuri Lal Chand and Chaudhuri Chhotu Ram. Since 1906, Ch. Chhotu Ram had been trying to organize the Jats and had founded the All India Jat Mahasabha that year to give political expression to their demands. The elections to the Provincial Legislative Council in the Punjab under the dyarchy scheme of Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 created an opportunity for Ch. Chhotu Ram to enter the Council through a by-election from Rohtak South-East on October 22, 1923. All through his career in the Punjab Legislative 'Council, Ch. Chhotu Ram remained vocal about "the injustice that has been done to rural peasants and was instrumental in passing legislative measures like the Moneylender's Registration Act, Debtors' Protection Act, the Restoration of Mortgaged Lands Act, and Punjab Court Fees Amendment Act for strengthening the cause of the agriculturists against the outside financiers.
Jats and the Green Revolution
Independence came as a mixed blessing to the Jat peasant as Hindus and Sikhs had to leave behind 67 lakh acres of the very best agricultural land in west Punjab. The 47 lakh acres of comparatively poor quality land left behind by Muslim owners in East Punjab was distributed among the refugees. To enhance productivity and get more out of reduced acreage, farmers started using tractors, sank tube wells and tried to introduce modem methods of cultivation. Improved seeds and fertilisers were applied and agricultural co-operatives were formed. Animal husbandry was also improved with artificial insemination, castration of the poorer breeds of bulls and veterinary services. Dairy farming
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and poultry farming added to income from agriculture and Eastern Punjab soon became a surplus from a deficit region.
The Green Revolution might as well be termed a Jat revolution since 90% of the land of Punjab, Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh was in their hands. Abolition of Zamindari Act 1956 was particularly remarkable in the areas of Green Revolution. Due to this Act the number of independent land owning peasants increased and they contributed a lot for rural upliftment which was the dream of Chaudhary Charan Singh. There was a strong move for co-operativisation during the Second Five Year Plan, differences developed between the peasant lobby and the Congress. [[Chaudhuri Charan Singh's differences with Pandit Nehru on co-operativisation surfaced during the Nagpur session of the Congress in 1959. Chaudhary Charan Singh left congress and formed the Bharatiya Kranti Dal (1967) which was later renamed Bharatiya Lok Dal in 1974 after the merger of several other parties with it. A study of the' composition of the fourth Lok Sabha (1967) would reveal that the agriculturists had emerged as the largest single group in Parliament. This emergence of agrarian sector was also reflected in the membership of the state legislatures and opposition governments were victorious in Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Orissa, Bihar and West Bengal in 1967. The Socio-political consciousness of the rural people had thrown up several political leaders at that time. It was a great contribution of Chaudhary Charan Singh's Policies.
The Opposition could not unseat the Congress at the Centre till 1977. The Janata Government which remained in power from March 1977 to July 1979 was not a purely peasant party. But two of its most important participants, the Bharatiya Lok Dal and the Akali Dal certainly wanted to have a peasant programme by according priority to agriculture in economic planning. They sought to reallocate resources away from the urban industrial sector towards agriculture. "Industrial development also can come about," remarked Chaudhuri Charan Singh, "only as a result of agricultural prosperity or it can accompany the latter but can never precede it." The regeneration of the agrarian sector might improve the purchasing power of farmers for industrial goods, produce food and raw materials, help earn foreign exchange and release workers from agriculture for industrial employment. In short, Chaudhary Charan Singh wanted to return to the old Gandhian emphasis on "neither money, nor machines, but men". In this era of the IMF - World Bank - WTO dictated globalisation the well-being of Indian peasants and toiling masses could only be
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defended if the socio-economic policies advocated by Chaudhary Charan Singh are implemented. In 1989, Ch. Devi Lal, rose to the position of the Deputy Prime Minister of India and tried to raise the cause of ruralites in general and peasants in particular at the national level. The papers on the Jats of Haryana in modern times reveal that the community is playing a dominant role in the state polity.
Jats rose for abolition of feudalism
Various regions of Rajasthan also witnessed resurgence of the demand of Jats for abolition of feudalism and atrocities committed on the peasantry on behalf of the native rulers. The Jat leaders preached social equality, individual liberty and restoration of human dignity for everyone. Earlier in 1925, a session of All India Jat Mahasabha was held at Pushkar under the president-ship of Maharaja Kishan Singh in which over 60 thousand Jats participated. This further strengthened the Jat movement for democracy and freedom. In the Shekhawati region. Captain Ram Singh Kanwarpura organized Jat Sabha in 1925 at Bagar town. In 1931, Rajasthan Jat Mahasabha was formed in Delhi in a meeting presided over by Maharaja Udaibhan Singh of Dholpur.
In this region Thakur Des Raj (Jaghina), Ch. Ladhu Ram (Raniganj), Captain Rattan Singh and many other leaders emerged as champions of the cause of peasantry upliftment. From 1925 to 1934 Jat Sabhas were established in all the villages which gave solid support base to the movement. In 1934-35, a successful 'morcha' was organized against the feudal of Sikar Thikana which brought the Jats on the national horizon as the matter was discussed at the level of viceroy. The Jats continued to raise their vociferous voice against the social inequalities and denial of political rights in Marwar and Bikaner states also. Their efforts led to abolition of Jagirdari system in 21 princely states of Rajasthan. So far as freedom movement in the native states of erstwhile Rajasthan is concerned, it was obviously bound to be divided and segmented. If we compare the genesis, growth and the spread of freedom movement in Jaipur and Jodhpur states, it is found that the Jats formed an important component in both the cases in view. However, the leadership of the movements in Jaipur state was not so competent as was in the case of Jodhpur Kisan Sabha. The movement in Sikar Thikana turned violent and attained national attention but in the long run could achieve very little so far as gains in political field are concerned. On the other hand, the achievements of the Kisan Sabha of Marwar led by Sh. Baldev Ram Mirdha were very significant in pre-independence and post-independence era. Reforms in feudal system was the main demand of both the Kisan Sabhas and after independence both merged with congress and Marwar Kisan Sabha
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threw a number of able leaders like Nathu Ram Mirdha and Ram Niwas Mirdha who have played significant role in the congress party. But nothing is visible from Shekhawati Kisan Sabha as such on the national political scene.
The establishment of All India Jat Mahasabha as a Socio-political organization, played a significant role in furthering the cause of the Jats. Maharaja Kishan Singh of Bharatpur had given a clarion call to a large gathering of the Jats held at Pushkar in 1925 to rise and fight against their evil-doers. The British government of the day took cognizance of his statement and national activities and dethroned him on September 4, 1928. The All India Jat Maha Sabha threw its full weight behind the Maharaja and demanded his restoration. It passed several resolutions on this count and offered resistance against this move of the British. During 1929-31, the Jat Mahasabha aroused political consciousness among the masses in general and the Jats in particular, thus expanding the base of freedom movement in the princely state of Bharatpur.
In the merger of the Jodhpur State in India, in addition to other factors, presence of politically and socially awakened Jats emerged as a major factor. When the country attained freedom Mr. Jinnah offered tempting terms to the Maharaja of Jodhpur to merge with Pakistan. According to the Independence of India Act of 18 July, 1947, the rulers of native states could choose to join either India or Pakistan. Maharaja Hanwant Singh wavered in his choice. On getting an inkling of his dubious moves, V.P. Menon took the initiative, arranged his meeting with the viceroy and got the Maharaja's signatures on the instrument of accession with India, showing him fear of Hindu backlash particularly the revolt of Jats due to prevailing discomfiture and discontent in the light of 'Dabra Kand', This is a sterling contribution of the Jats of Jodhpur state to the national unity and integration of the country.
- Dr. Vir Singh
- Director
- Maharaja Surajmal Centre
- for Research and Publication
The Jats Vol. 2: End of p. xxv
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