Khandwa History
Source - East Nimar District Gazeteer by P N Shrivastav, 1969, p.37-85
Archaeology
[p.37]: Recent explorations in the beds of the Agni, Kundala, Machikunda, Chhota Tawa, Samdeni, Ruprel and Ghorapachhar, all tributaries of the Narmada, have revealed traces of the Palaeolithic men in East Nimar District.1
Palaeolithic tools have been discovered at Bijalpur, Barakund, Mahalkheri, Matupur and other places in Harsud tahsil.
Microliths, consisting of blades, lunates, crescents and scrapers, and fluted cores have also been discovered in the above mentioned river valleys at Punaghat-Kala, Borkheda-Khurd, Peeplya-Bawli, Roshini and a large number of other villages in Harsud tahsil and at Dehgaon, Hutiya, Atud Khasa, Ratanpur, Nandh-kheda and other places, in Khandwa tahsil.2
Further explorations in East Nimar and adjoining district confirm the three-cycle hypothesis of De Terra and Patterson, the sequence of deposits being: Large-sized pebble-gravel, red sandy clay and the medium-sized pebble-gravel containing Middle Stone Age tools with fossils; finer gravel with thin flake-blade and scraper industry; and alluvium. 3
Lately, a proto-historic site, situated on the Tapti, 5 miles south-west of Burhanpur, has, in addition to microliths, yielded red-ware with black painting, black and red and red-slipped wares, grey-ware with light-cream slip and dull grey ware.
Mahishmati
[p.37]: In the historical period, we have ample references to Mahishmati in the Puranas and the Epics. A number of eminent scholars identify Omkara Mandhata, a rocky island on the Narmada, 32 miles north-west of Khandwa, with ancient Mahishmati,4 although this identification has been disputed by others5.
1. Indian Archaeology—A Review, 1958-59, p. 28; 1959-60, p. 69; 1960-61, p. 61.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid, 1962-63, p. 10.
4. The Markandeya Purana, (Bibliotheca Indica), 1914, p. 333 and note; Fleet, Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 440-47; V. V. Mirashi, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV, pt—I, p. XLIV; Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 53.
5. Some scholars identify Mahishmati with Maheshwar in West Nimar (Khargone) District. For details see Proceedings, Indian History Congress, 1939, p. 141 and 1946, p. 61; Journal of the Gujarat Research Society, Vol. VIII, 1946, pp. 135-38; The Excavations at Maheshwar and Navdatoli, pp. 13-15. But Cunningham differing from both these views thought that Mahishmati might be Mandla, See Ancient Geography of India, p. 559. ,
[p.38]: If this identification was correct it would make Omkara Mandhata a place of great antiquity and endow the region covered by the present East Nimar District with rich historical tradition. The Puranas attribute the foundation and fortification of a town on the Narmada, between the Vindhyan and the Rikshavat (Satpura) ranges, to Muchukund, the third son of Mandhatri of the Ikshvaku family. Later, the Haihaya king Mahishmant, a scion of the Yadu family, is said to have conquered the city and named it Mahishmati.1
The Vayupurana 2 and the Matsyapuram3, however, give a different story. They tell us that the city was conquered by Arjuna, son of Kritavirya, from the Nagas, who must have been the aboriginal inhabitants of the Narmada region. Mahishmati is also referred to in the Mahabharata4 We are told that during his digvijaya Sahadeva proceeded to conquer Mahishmati on the Narmada, then being ruled by king Nila.5 But Sahadeva was helpless as the town was under the protection of Agni, the Fire God.
Nothing further is known about the history of this region till shortly before the rise of Buddhism, when we find Nimar included in the Kingdom of Avanti 6 , one of the four great contemporary monarchies in India, the other three being Koshala, Vatsa and Magadha. The Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions Mahissati (Mahishmati) as the capital of Avanti, and refers to its king Vessabhu, one of the seven kings in the line of Bharata. It appears that for some time there were two Avantis, the Northern, of which the capital was Ujjain and the Southern of which the capital was Mahishmati. 7 The literary traditions connect many tribal names with Mahishmati region and the Mahisakas or Mahismakas are said to be the inhabitants of Avanti—Dakshinapatha 8. Another people called Purika also settle here. A number of classical Sanskrit writers like Kalidas, Dandin, Rajashekhar also refer to Mahishmati.
In the Buddha’s time, however, there existed only one United Kingdom of Avanti under King Chand Pradyota Mahasena, with Ujjain as capital. It seems that with the extension of this territory towards the north-east, the capital was later shifted from Mahishmati to Ujjain. 9 The rule of the Pradyota dynasty over the region lasted for 138 years. The last of the Pradyota Kings, was probably, humbled by Shishunaga and Avanti was incorporated with the growing kingdom
1. The Vedic Age, p. 278.
2. Vol. II, Adhyaya 32, Verse 26, (Ed. by Rajendralal Mitra, Bibliotheca Indica), Calcutta, 1888.
3. Adhyaya 43, Verse 29 (Anandashrama Ed.) Poona. 1907.
4. The Sabha Parvan (Ed. by Edgerton, Poona, 1944, Sarga 28, Verses 1-38; Voi. VI, Udyoga Parvan (Ed. by S. K. De), Poona, 1940, Sarga 139, Verse 23.
5. King Nila of Mahishmati fought with the Kauravas against the Pandavas in the great Bharata War.
6. H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, p, 144.
7. D. R. Bhandarkar, Carmichaell Lectures, 1918, p. 54.
8. Arthashastra of Kautilya Tr. Shamsastry, 1929, p. 83,
9. B. C- Law, Ujjaiyani in Ancient India, p. 4,
[p.39]: of Magadha.1 In the subsequent period, the subjugation of this region by the Nandas does not seem to be improbable although there is lack of confirmation by independent authorities.2 The Puranas seem to provide an indirect corroboration. They call Mahapadma, the first Nanda King, the destroyer of all the Kshatriyas (Sarva Kshtrantakah) and the sole monarch (ekarat) of the earth,3 and among the contemporary dynasties the name of the Pradyotas is conspicuous by its absence.
Mauryas, Sungas, Early Satavahanas, Kardamakas
[p.39]: Direct references, either literary or epigraphic, for this area during the Mauryan epoch, are absent. But the mighty Maurya Empire, which extended from the borders of Persia in the west to Mysore in the south, could be safely stated to have included the District in its domain. Avanti, which included Western and Central Malwa, north of the river Tapti,4 was a province of Maurya Empire.5 Asoka, according to the Dipavamsa, was Viceroy of Avanti for 11 years, with his headquarters at Ujjain, during the reign of his father, Bindusara.
In the first quarter of the second century B. C., the Sungas, extended their sway over this region. According to the Puranas and the Harshacharita the suzerainty of Magadha passed from the Mauryas to the Sungas on the assassination of the last Maurya Emperor, Brihadratha, by his own general Pushyamitra (C. 186-151 B. C.). The Malavikagnimitra tells us that Vidisha was governed by Crown-Prince Agnimitra, as his father’s Vicerory. 6 Agnimitra placed Virasena, his brother-in-law (wife’s brother), in command of a frontier fortress on the banks of the Narmada. 7 The Malavikagnimitra goes on to narrate the episode leading to the strained relations between Agnimitra and Yajnasena, the ruler of Vidarbha. The former ordered Virasena to launch an invasion. Yajnasena was defeated and Vidarbha was divided between the two cousins Yajnasena and Madhavasena, under Pushyamitra as suzerain. 8 This extended the sphere of influence of the Sungas to the areas south of the river Narmada, including Nimar.
Early Satavahanas
A new power known as the Satavahana (also called Andhra-bhritya in the Puranas) arose in the trans—Vindhyan India towards the third quarter of the first Century B. C. According to the Puranas , Simuka, variously spelt as Sisuka,
1. H. C. Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 220.
2. Age of the Nandas and Mauryas (Ed. by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri), pp. 18-20.
3. Ibid, pp. 233.-35.
4. Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1. p. 463.
5. R. K. Mookerji, Chandragupta Maurya and His Times, pp. 52-53; R. K. Mookerji,Ashoka, pp. 123-42.
6. Malavikagnimitra, Act V, Verse 20; B. M. Barua and Sinha, Bharhut Inscriptions, p. 3,
7. Some manuscripts mention Mandakini as the name of the river. (Indian Historical Quarterly, 1925, p. 214). A stream called Mandakini lies 5 miles south of the Tapti (Indian Antiquary, 1902, p, 254).
8. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 93.
[p.40]: Sipraka, Sindhuka, gave the final coup de grace to the Kanva power and founded the Satavahana dynasty 1. King Satakarni I (C. 27-17 B. C.)2, a son (or nephew) of Simuka, is stated to have conquered Western Malwa and the territory to the south of it including Anupa (the region round Mahishmati) and Vidarbha. 3 This would make East Nimar, a part of the kingdom of the Early Satavahana rulers. To celebrate his resounding victories, Satakarni I performed two asvamedhas and one rajasuya. He also assumed the sonorous title of Dakshinapatha-pati (Lord of the Deccan).
The Satavahana power suffered a temporary eclipse in the first Century A. D. The Saka Satraps of Western India, belonging to the Kshaharata line, tore away eastern and western Malwa from the Satavahana empire, sometime in the closing years of the first Century A. D. Nahapana, the greatest of the Kshaharata Satraps, in association with Ushavadata (Rishabhadatta) overwhelmed Malwa, the Narmada valley, the western part of Vidarbha together with parts of Maharashtra and Western India.4 For sometime, therefore, East Nimar seems to have been under the sway of Nahapana.
But, as stated before, the eclipse of the Satavahana power was only a temporary phase. They soon rallied forces under the leadership of Gautamiputra Satakarni (C. 106-30 A. D.), “extirpated the Kshaharata dynasty” and not only recovered the lost territories but further extended it in all directions. East Nimar at that period came under the Satavahana authority, for among the conquered territories, mentioned in the Nasik prasasti, figure Anupa (district around Mahishmati on the Narmada), Akara (Eastern Malwa), Avanti (Western Malwa) and Vidarbha.5 Gautamiputra Satakarni is also styled as lord of Vijha (Eastern Vindhyas), Achhavata (Rikshavata or Satpura mountains), etc, 6
Vasishthiputra Pulumavi (C. 130-159 A. D.), son of Gautamiputra, succeeded to the extensive empire built by his valiant father. The epigraphic evidence regarding the Satavahana occupation of these regions receives corroboration
1. There are conflicting theories regarding the Satavahana chronology. Some scholars place Simuka between C. 235-213 B. C., while others place him between C. 60-37 B. C. For a fuller discussion see H. C. Raychaudhuri’s: Political History of Ancient India, pp. 403-17 and A comprehensive History of India, Vol. II, pp. 295-301.
2. Some scholars fix reign of Satakarni I between circa 194 and 185 B. C. But this date does not seem probable; for during the reign of Pushyamitra which synchronises with this period, the Sunga armies triumphantly marched across the Narmada, and not only forced the ruler of Vidarbha to submit but to agree to a partition af the Kingdom without a word of protest from the Satavahanas. The inference is clear that Satavahana suzerainty was established over Vidarbha at a later date.
3. Nanaghat Inscription of Nayanika (Naganika). Luder's list No. 1112.
4. This is known from Nahapana’s and his son-in-law’s inscriptions in the caves at Nasik, Junnar and Kalre. Also see A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. II pp. 308-10.
5. Epigraphia Indica. Vol. VIII, pp. 60 If.
6. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLVII, 1918, pp. 150-51.
[p.41]: in the discovery of two silver coins ot Gautamiputra Yajnasri Satakarni 1 and Vasishthiputra Pulumavi 2 at Vidisha.
Vasishthiputra Pulumavi, however, could not hold the territories for long. The Western Satraps, under the leadership of Chashtana and his grandson Rudradaman of the Kardamaka family, soon appeared on the scene, avenging the defeat of Nahapana and recovering the lost provinces. In the Junagadh Inscription dated in Saka era 72 (A.D. 150), Rudradaman claims to have twice defeated Satakarni,3 the lord of the Dakshinapatha and conquered, among other provinces, Eastern and Western Malwa and the region round Mahishmati. 4 Probably, some portions of the District were in the hands of a collateral Vidarbha family till the decline of the Satavahana dynasty in 250 A.D.
1. Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1913-14, pp. 208.
2. Journal of The Numismatic Society of India, Vol XIV, pp. 1-3.
3. The identification of Satakarni is controversial. He has also been identified with Gautamiputra and Siva-Siri Pulumayi.
4. Epigraphia Indica, Vol VIII, pt. I, P- 44. See also R. S. Tnpathi’s History of Ancient India, p. 218 and A Comprehensive History of India, Vol II, p. 282.
Abhiras
[p.41]: As a result of dismemberment of the Satavahana empire, the Abhiras, who seem to have held position of power and vantage under the former, specially in Khandesh, established an independent kingdom in the third Century A. D. The Puranas say that the Abhiras who succeeded the Andhras (i.e. Satavahanas) in the Deccan were Andhrabhrityas i.e. servants of the Andhras. 5 Isvarasena, known from the Nasik Cave Inscription, dated 250 A. D., was the founder of the Abhira dynasty.6 He was also probably originator of Abhira era, which later on came to be known as Kalachuri-Chedi era. 7 The Abhiras appear to have extended their sway to the Anupa region and Malwa also. The extension of the Abhira kingdom finds corroboration in the use of Abhira era in the countries of Nimar and Malwa in the fourth and fifth Centuries A. D. 8 Copper plate grants of Maharaja Svamidasa dated in year 67 (A. D. 316-17), of Maharaja Bhulunda dated in the year 107 (A. D. 356-57) and Maharaja Rudradasa in the year 117 (A. D. 366-67) suggest that probably northern part of the District continued to be under the feudatories 9 of the Abhiras till about the third quarter of the fourth Century A. D. After the fall of the Abhiras, these princes seem to have transferred their allegiance to the Vakatakas. _
5. Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, p. 45.
6. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, pp. 88-89; B. Suryavanshi. The Abhiras-their History and Culture, p. 32.
7. B. Suryavanshi, op. Cit., p. 32.
8 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV, pt I, p. XXXVII.
9. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV, pt. I, p. XXXV D. C. Sarkar, however, suggests that Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa were the feudatories of the Imperial Guptas. See The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 222, footnote no, 3.
Vakatakas
[p.42]: Vakatakas: Another dynasty, which rose into prominence after the collapse of the Satavahana empire, was that of the Vakatakas. The Puranas mention Vindhyashakti (C. 255-275 A. D.),as the founder of the dynasty with his earlier capital at Purika, associated with Vidarbha. The nucleus of the Vakataka principality thus lay in western part of the Central Provinces or Vidarbha.1 His son and successor Pravarasena I (C . 275-335 A. D.), extended the Vakataka hegemony over the vast area extending from Bundelkhand to the Hyderabad State. Since his empire included greater part of the Central Province (to the south of the Narmada) it goes without saying that southern part of East Nimar was included in it2 He is the only ruler of the dynasty to assume to title of Samarat (Emperor). Pravarasena succeeded in enlarging the small patrimony in western part of Vidarbha into a big empire which included northern Maharashtra, Vidarbha, Central Provinces to the south of the Narmada and a considerable portion of the erstwhile Hyderabad State. The District was probably under the direct administration of the Emperor or his sons. 3
After his death in circa A. D. 335, Pravarsena’s empire was split up into two branches, the main or the northern branch, ruling over the northern portion of Vidarbha and western districts of the Central Provinces, with their headquarters at Nandivardhana in the Nagpur District, and the Basim branch with capital at Vatsagulma in Akola District. The administration of the areas comprised in East Nimar were, thus, in the hands of the northern branch, 4 till the close of the fifth Century A.D. Thereafter, East Nimar was, in the first quarter of the sixth Century A.D., under the rule of the Basim branch of the Vakataka dynasty. 5 At the time of death of Harishena in circa A.D. 510 the Vakataka kingdom was, in fact, at the zenith of its power and prestige and was unrivalled in the country in extent.
Imperial Guptas
[p.42]: The period of the Vakataka supremacy synchronises with the extension of influence of the Imperial Guptas in this region. From the Eran Stone Inscription of Samudra Gupta it is evident that Eastern Malwa had already passed under the rule of the Guptas. It is also clear from his Eran Inscription that he deprived the Vakatakas of their possessions in Central India, which were under their vassal Vyaghradeva. The Allahabad prasasti refers to Samudra Gupta’s victory over Vyaghrasaya, who, probably, is identical with Vyaghra of Nachna and Ganj Inscription. 6 The Abhiras are included in the Allahabad prasasti in the list of tribes subdued by the Gupta Emperor but it is not certain whether the reference is to
1. R. C. Majumdar and A. S. Altekar, The Vakataka—Gupta Age, p. 96.
2. Ibid, p. 100.
3. Ibid.
4. The Classical Age, p. 177; R. K. Mookerji, The Gupta Empire, p, 42.
5. R. C. Majumdar and A. S. Altekar, op. cit. p. 122.
6. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill, p. 233; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVII, p. 12.
[p.43]: the Abhira kingdom of Khandesh 1. It was the Gupta Emperor Chandra Gupta II (C. A.D. 375-414), who in order to secure a helpful ally on his southern flank, while his armies were operating in Malwa and Gujarat, entered into matrimonial alliance with the Vakatakas by marrying his daughter Prabhavati to the vakataka Crown Prince Rudrasena II. Pointing out the political significance of this relationship, V. A. Smith says that the geographical position of the Vakataka kingdom was such that it “could be of much service or disservice to the northern invader of the dominions of the Saka Satraps of Gujarat and Saurashtra.”2 It was during the regency of Prabhavati Gupta (C. 390-410 A.D.), that the conquest of Gujarat and Kathiawar and Western Malwa was accomplished. But except for spreading their influence, the Guptas seemed to have left the Vakatakas undisturbed in their possessions
There is evidence to show that the northern part of the District was under the rule of an independent chief, Maharaja Subandhu in the last quarter of the fifth Century. His Barwani copper-plate grant issued from Mahishmati in the year 167 (486 A.D.), makes no reference to any Gupta suzerain.3 This is clearly indicative of the declining fortunes of the Gupta power.
The Gupta Empire was faced with the terrible ordeal of the Huna invasion in the reign of Skanda Gupta (C. 455-476 A.D.). The Hunas, notorious for their ferocious cruelty, were at that time regarded as the most dreaded scourge of humanity. But the Gupta Emperor inflicted a crushing defeat upon them and saved his empire from ravages. One or two generations passed before the Hunas were on the move again, first under Toramana and then under his son Mihirkula. For a time, they seemed to succeed. But the Hunas were not destined to enjoy success for long, Mihirkula met his doom at the hands of Narsimha Gupta Baladitya, the Gupta ruler, and Yasodharman. Inroads of the Hunas, however, shook the foundations both of the Gupta and the Vakataka empires. The circumstance gave rise to serious scramble for power. Feudal chiefs arose on all fronts to carve out independent principalities.
In Malwa and the northern districts of the Vakataka dominions, which could safely be assumed to have included the areas of East Nimar, Yasodharman of Mandsore suddenly rose to power and assumed imperial titles by C. 525 A.D. Appearing as a meteor on the political horizon, Yasodharman carried his victorious arms far and wide and set up a big empire. He is credited with the
1. Some scholars believe that the Abhiras referred to there may have belonged to Central or Western India.
2. Journal, Royal Asiatic Society 1914, p. 324.
3. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, p, 281. V. V. Mirashi refers the date to the Abhira or Kalachuri era which makes the year 167 equivalent to 416-17 A. D. This would make Subandhu a contemporary of Kumara Gupta I, who might have allowed the kingdom of Mahishmati as a buffer state between his own dominions and the rising power of the Traikutakas. For a detailed discussion see Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, pp. 82-83 and The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 222 and foot note no. 3.
[p.44]: conquest of the whole of northern India from the Brahmaputra to the Western Ocean and from the Himalayas to the Mount Mahendra in Ganjam (Orisa). 1
Kalachuris
[p.44]: The Vakataka Empire disappeared by circa 540 A.D. about the same time Yasodharman, after blazing a meteoric brilliance, vanished into darkness. In these political conditions the Early Kalachuris rose into prominence in this area in the second half of the sixth Century, with their capital, at Mahishmati, While ‘Kalachuri’ is the most usual style—and that most familiar to modern historians— other variants like Kalachchuri, Katatsuri, Kalachuti, Kalachurya, Kalichuri are also known.
The name Kalachuri is held to be non-Sanskritic in origin and has indeed been equated with the Turkish word Kuluchur, indicating an office of high rank. This, if correct, would point to a foreign origin of the dynasty, and they may well have entered India with the Hunas and Gurjaras. 2 Though the early Kalachuris do not call themselves Haihayas in their grants, but in later times the family claimed descent from the Haihaya King Arjuna, son of Kritivirya, who, according to traditions preserved in the Epics and the Puranas, ruled in the Anupa country on the Narmada, with Mahishmati as their capital.3 The Kalachuris used an era called Kalachuri or Chedi samvat, according to which reckoning commenced from the 25th September 249 A.D. This era, which continued in use for several centuries, and in countries widely separated, originated in western India from the reign of Abhira King Isvarasena. 4
From the epigraphic records, names of three Kalachuri kings, Krishnaraja, his son Sankargana and the latter’s son Buddharaja are known. The dynasty seems to have been founded by Krishnaraja’s father, but neither his name nor his date is known to us. The real founder of the greatness of the dynasty was Krishnaraja (circa 550-575 A.D.), whose silver coins bearing the legend Paramamahesvara Krishnarajah and figure of a Nandi (bull) have been discovered in such distant parts as Rajasthan, Malwa, Maharashtra, Bombay and Salsette Islands, and in Betul and Amaravati districts. The figure of Nandi on the coins shows that Kalachuris were devotees of Pasupati Siva, and their discovery in such distant areas proves that they ruled over a fairly large territory comprising Gujarat, Maharashtra, Vidarbha and Malwa.
Krishnaraja’s son and successor, Sankaragana (C. 575-600), a powerful monarch, is known from several records. His own Abhona plates of 595 A.D.,
1. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 146.
2. Proceedings, Indian History Congress, 1943, pp. 44-45. Fleet connects them with Arjuneyas of Samudra Gupta’s Allahabad Pillar Inscription (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. Ill, p. 10), while Hiralal identifies them with Traikutakas (Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. IX, pp 283-84). For mythological account of the Kalachuris See Joyanaka's Prithvirajavijaya, verses 110-130.
3. Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Traditions, pp. 41, 102, 144 etc.
4. This subject has been exhaustively treated by V, V, Mirashi in Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV, pt. I, pp, 1—XXX.
[p.45]: found in Nasik district, were issued from his camp at Ujjain and record the donation of land in a village in that district. The Abhona plates, which describe him as lord of the entire land bounded by the eastern and western seas 1 , show that Sankaragana ruled over a vast empire, extending from Malwa to Maharashtra. That it comprised Gujarat is shown by the Sankheda copper-plate grant2.
Buddharaja, son of Sankaragana, succeeded to the Kalachuri throne sometime in 600 A.D. The following year he was faced with an invasion from the Chalukya ruler, Mangalesa. The latter is stated to have completely routed Buddharaja, who fled leaving his whole treasure behind him 3 . Buddharaja, however, seems to have recovered his position and continued his hold over the whole country from Gujarat to Maharashtra. Buddhraja’s successors are not known to us. They, probably, continued to rule at Mahishmati in a state of servitude under the Chalukyas. But they did not remain in this subordinate position for long. An illustrious member of the Kalachuri family, named Vamaraia (C. 675-700), succeeded in carving out a large principality extending from the Gomati in the north to the Narmada in the south, in the Dahal country, with capital at Tripuri, at the close of the seventh Century. Since the time of Vamaraja, the Kalachuris came to be known as lords of the Chedi country.
Vardhana and Chalukya Dynasties
[p.45]: For a time the suzerainty of India was practically divided between two great monarchs, Harsha Vardhana (606-647 A.D.) and the Chalukya ruler, Pulakesin II (C. 610-642 A.D.), best known by his biruda Satyasraya. Pulakesin II of the Chalukya House of Badami vied with Harsha in the extent of his conquests and had raised himself to the rank of lord paramount of the south, 4 as Harsha was of the north. The sway of Harsha extended from the Himalayas to the river Narmada, 5 indicating that the northern part of East Nimar was included in the Vardhana Empire. That the whole of the District south of the Narmada, was part of the Chalukya kingdom is evident from the fact that the Narmada formed the northern limits of Pulakesin’s empire.6
The northern king could not willingly endure the existence of so powerful a rival and essayed to overthrow him. And although, as Hieuen Thsang says, Harsha gathered troops from the five Indies, and summoned the best leaders from all countries, and himself went at the head of his army to punish and subdue these people, he could not conquer the Chalukyas. 7 Pulakesin guarded the passes
1. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. IV, pt. 1, p. 43
2. Ibid, p. 45.
3. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, pp. 17-18; Vol. VII, pp. 161 ff; and Epigraphia Indica,Vol. VI, p. 8.
4. The Yekkeri Inscription of Pulakesin II (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. V, p. 8)
5. R. K. Mookerji, Harsha, p. 43; V. A. Smith, Parly History of India, 3rd edition, p. 341 But this is disputed by R. C. Mazumdar who rather believes that Harsha’s suzerainty did not extend much to the south of the Yamuna.
6. R. K. Mookerji, Harsha, p. 34.
7. Travels of Hieuen Thsang, Tr. by Samuel Beal pt. ITV, p, 450 see also Watter's Yuan Chwang, p, 239.
[p.46]: on the Narmada so effectively that Harsha was constrained to retire discomfited, and to accept that river as his frontier. The Chinese pilgrim’s account of this great conflict between the two paramount sovereigns is corroborated by the epigraphic evidence. It is claimed that Harsha’s huge elephants fell in the battle 1 and that after his victory, Pulakesin assumed the title of Paramesvara, 2 The date of this battle is very controversial. Different scholars have suggested different dates varying between A.D. 620 and 630. 3
Rashtrakutas, Paramaras
[p.46]: Darkness then descends upon the fortunes of East Nimar and the District sinks into oblivion until we emerge into light of the Rashtrakuta epoch. Dantidurga, also referred to as Dantivarman II, a feudatory of the Chalukyas of Badami, laid foundation of the future greatness of the Imperial Rashtrakuta dynasty. Embarking on a bold career of conquest, Dantidurga soon enlarged his small partimony in the Vidarbha region into a big empire.
He first marched against Malwa in A.D. 747 and proclaimed its conquest by performing Hiranyagarva-dana ceremony at Ujjain.4 Next he proceeded against eastern Madhya Pradesh and brought it under his political influence. Thus, by about the middle of the eighth Centary, Dantidurga had become master of the Central and southern Gujarat and the whole of Madhya Pradesh and Vidarbha.5 It is only reasonable to assume that East Nimar formed part of the Rashtrakuta Empire. The Samangad grant 6 of A D. 754 shows that by that date Dantidurga had gained decisive victory over the Chalukya ruler Kirtivarman II and became master of the whole of Maharashtra. The Rashtrakuta sovereignty over the southern part of the District continued for over two centuries, till A.D. 972, when the Paramara ruler Siyaka II not only drove the Rashtrakutas out of these regions but even sacked their capital Malkhed.7
As we come to the Paramara period, we find ourselves on the firmer ground owing to the discovery of a series of contemporary inscriptions. The Paramara kingdom of Malwa, with capital at Dhar, was established shortly before A.D, 972. From then onwards, till the middle of the thirteenth Century, the north of the District was included in the Paramara kingdom, The founder, named Upendra, and early Paramara kings are known to have been vassals of the Rashtrakutas. 8 But as stated above, Siyaka II (C. 948-72 A.D.), threw off the
1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, p. 10.
2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, p, 87; Vol. VIII, p. 244; Vol. IX, p. 125 and Vol. XI. p, 68.
3. The Classical Age, pp. 109 and 237.
4. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVIII, p. 252.
5. The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 2.
6. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p. 111.
7. The Aye of Imperial Kanauj pp. 3-16,
8. Ibid, p. 94.
[p.47]: Rashtrakuta yoke in 972 A.D. and achieved independence of his dynasty. In the process, he pushed the southern boundary of his kingdom upto the Tapti 1 indicating his sway over the greater part of the District. Vakpati Munja and Bhoja, the seventh and the ninth king, respectively, are most illustrious members of the Paramara dynasty.
Munja (C. 974-95 A.D.), assumed the titles Srivallabha, Prithvivallabha and Amoghavarsha, and carried his arms far and wide. He was not only a great general and a great poet but also a great patron of art and literature. Unfortunately, he met a tragic end. Bhoja (C. 1010-55 A.D.), added Konkana to the Malwa kingdom, which extended in the south to the upper courses of the Godavari. His name is proverbial in tradition as that of a model king. An erudite scholar, Bhoja was the author of more than 23 books on varied subjects.
Inscriptions in East Nimar
Source - East Nimar District Gazeteer by P N Shrivastav, 1969, p.47
[p.47]: Of the several inscriptions found in the District, the oldest was discovered at Mandhata, being dated in 1055 A.D. It records the grant of a village to the Brahmanas of Amareshwara, a temple on the left bank of the Narmada at Mandhata, for food and other purposes by Jayasimhadeva, (C. 1055-60 A.D.), successor of Bhoja. 2 Malwa was invaded by Somesvara II of the later Chalukyas and Karna of Gujarat. In the battle that followed, Jayasimha was slain and Malwa was occupied by the invaders, but it did not remain in their possession for long. Udayaditya (C. 1060-90 A.D.), a brother or cousin of Bhoja, drove them out of Malwa. His dominions extended upto Nimar District to the south. 3 Shortly after A.D. 1143, the whole of Malwa was annexed to the kingdom of Gujarat. For the next twenty years the princes of the Paramara dynasty, designated as the Mahakumaras, ruled the Bhopal region and the district of Nimar, Hoshangabad and Khandesh as petty rulers. Sometime in the seventies of the twelfth Century, the Vindhyavarman recovered Malwa from the Chalukyas. 4
Two inscriptions of the reign of Devapaladeva (C. 1218-32), were found at Harsauda (modern Harsud) and Mandhata.
Harsud Stone Inscription, dated in V. S. 1275 (A.D. 1218), records construction of a Siva temple and a tank nearby by a merchant and states that Devapaladeva of Dhar was the then ruler.5
Another inscription dated in V.S. 1282 (A.D. 1225), with the name of this king was found near the Siddhesvara temple at Mandhata. It records grant of a village Satajuna, still existing under the same name 13 miles south-west of Mandhata, to a number of Brahmanas after the king had bathed in the Reva (Narmada), while staying at Mahishmati which, as discussed in detail earlier, is equated with Mandhata. Inscription records not only names of the donees but also name of father, grandfather, place of origin, gotra and sakha, epithet used by each one
1. Ibid, pp. 95-96; The Struggle for Empire, pp. 68-71.
2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Ill, pp, 46, ff; Hiralal, Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar. p. 74
3. The Struggle for Empire, p. 68.
4. Ibid, p. 70.
5. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XX, pp. 310-11; Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 1 to 8; Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar, p. 77.
[p.48]: of them. The donees were connected with far-flung places of the country like Mathura, Jodhpur, Tripuri, Akola, the country between the Himalayas, etc.
The list of donees reveals an interesting feature. In case of 20 out of 32 donees, the same epithet is borne by grandfather, father and son; in 7 cases the grandfather and father have the same epithet, but the son has a different one; and in one case the epithet of father and son is the same while that of grand-father differs. In the four remaining cases we have the sequence: Dikshit, Awasthi, Shukla, Upadhyaya, Agnihotri, and the like. It is revealing, for it shows that the family names were not still stereotyped in the families since the donee and his father and grandfather have not the same distinctive designations or epithets.1
The remaining two inscriptions, both of which are on copper-plates and discovered at Mandhata, refer themselves to the reign of Jayasimhadeva alias Jayavarman (C. 1255-75), described as lord of Dhara. The first of these, dated in V. S. 1317 (A.D. 1261), records grant of a village Vadauda (the village Burud, 22 miles from Mandhata), in Mahuada pathak (Mohod, 28 miles from Mandhata), by Pratihara Gangeyadeva to three Brahmanas after bathing at the confluence of the Reva and the Kapila, near Amaresvara temple. This charter was later ratified by Jayavarman while he was staying at Mandu.2
The other one, dated in V.S. 1331 (A.D. 1274), is a charter issued by Sadhanika (a commander of the army), Anayasimhadeva, with the permission of the Paramara king Jayavarman, granting four villages to a number of Brahmanas residing in the Brahmapuri (i.e. the Brahmana settlement at Mandhata).3 It is evident from these inscriptions that the north of East Nimar was under the sway of the Paramaras from the beginning of the ninth to the last quarter of the thirteenth Centuries.
Chauhan rulers Asirgarh
Source - East Nimar District Gazeteer by P N Shrivastav, 1969, p.48
[p.48]: During the period from the ninth to the twelfth Centuries, Asirgarh and the surrounding country, is stated to have been held by a family of Rajputs known as Tak. Chand Bardai, the court poet and minister of the famous Chauhan king Prithviraj, mentions the Tak from Asir as one of the chiefs who had opposed an invasion of the Muhammadans at Chitor as early as the ninth Century. According to Chand, the standard bearer, Tak of Asir was again in 1191 one of the most distinguished leaders in the army collected by Prithviraj to oppose the advancing tide of Muhammadan conquest, and at the battle of Tarai, at which Shihab-ud-din Ghori was defeated, he is mentioned by Chand among the wounded.4 Beyond this incidental mention Bardai, nothing is known about the Taks. The authenticity of facts, as narrated by the bard, cannot, however, be verified.
An event of note occurred in the history of East Nimar in the year 1296. Ala-ud-din Khalji, while returning from Devgiri after exacting tribute from the
1. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, pp. 103 ff.
2. Ibid, pp. 117 ff.
3. Ibid, Vol XXXII. pp. 139 ff.
4. Nimar District Gazetteer, p. 24.
[p.49]: Yadav ruler Ramchandra, overran Khandesh. At that time Khandesh was held by a chief styled the Raja of Khandesh , who would seem to have been the Chauhan ruler Rao Chand of Asirgarh. He is said to have had an army of 40,000 to 50,0001 Ramchandra Yadav expected succour from Khandesh against the Muslim invaders.2 Ala-ud-din stormed Asirgarh, “and Chand and all his family, with the exception of one son, was put to the sword.” This son, prince Rainsi, aged two and a half years, being a nephew of the Rana of Chitor, was sent to him for protection3 . Later, one of his descendants, named Rai Dewa, 4 became Raja of Haravati (country of the Harsa). He founded the city of Bundi which there after became capital of the Haras.5 Invasion of Asirgarh was, however, little more than a passing raid. For some years, no Musalman troops were stationed in the Deccan.
The tradition has it that the Chauhans returned to Asirgarh hills and founded the family of the Rana of Piplod, a local land-holder. The Rana is stated to have had a genealogical tree extending back to 25 generations.6 If it were true, it would lead to the conclusion that the Chauhans staged a come-back fifty years after the sack of Asirgarh by Ala-ud-din. “The Rana’s family were originally established at Basirgarh higher up the Tapti valley, on the present eastern border of the District. Basirgarh is now hardly traceable in the forest, but it is related that it was formerly strongly fortified and was of considerable extent and importance7 .” In the fourteenth Century Basirgarh was attacked by the Gond Raja of Kherla, with whom Chauhans fought for several years. In spite of their continuous resistance, it is said, they were forced to vacate the valley and establish their new seat of power at Piplod of Sajni. The hill tracts to the south of the Tapti were held by petty chiefs who traced their descent from Sajni Chauhans. 8
During the reign of Ala-ud-din Khalji, Malwa was annexed to the Khalji empire in 1305 as one of the provinces9 while the territories of eastern Nimar, south of Malwa were included in the newly conquered important province of Deogiri, which was later renamed Daulatabad. ‘ The northern part of the District, thereafter, continued to be ruled by the Governors of the Khalji and Tughluq Sultans as part of Malwa, till the end of the fourteenth Century.10 Following Timur’s invasion, forces of disruption set in and the Tughluq empire disintegrated.
1. Firishta, Tr. by Briggs, Vol. 1, p. 307.
2. Ibid, p. 309.
3. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol II, pp. 369-70.
4. According to Nainsi and the modern scholars, Dewa, the founder of Hadas of Bundi, was ninth in succession to Manikyaraya, the youngest son of Asaraj or Asvaraj of Naddul (Nainsi, Vol. 1, p. 104).
5. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol II. p. 372,
6. Nimar District Gazetteer, 1908, P. 25.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. The Delhi Sultanate, p. 29.
10. K. S. Lai, Khalji Vansh Ka Itihas , pp. 165 and 256, Mahdi Hussain, Tughluq Dynasty pp. 105-7; Nimar Distsict Gazetteer, p. 26.
[p.50]: and independent principalities were established in many parts of the country. Among others, Dilwar Khan Ghuri, the Governor of Malwa, declared independence and assumed the paraphernalia of royalty in 14011 . From then on, the north of the District seems to have remained a part of the Malwa kingdom. Dilwar Khan died in 1405 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Alp Khan, who assumed the title of Hushang Shah. The latter carried on successive raids against Kherla in Betul District and finally incorporated it in the Malwa Kingdom in 1422.2 It is, therefore, very likely that the intermediary territory of Nimar through which successive invasions were carried on against Kherla was included in Hushang’s dominions. It is also stated that Hushang Shah encouraged the Rajputs to settle in the wild tracts of Nimar with a view to utilising them as a strong buttress against any possible aggression3 from the south.
Faruqi Dynasty
[p.50]: For about two and a quarter centuries Khandesh, which included the Tapti valley, was under the rule of the Faruqi dynasty. Malik Raja,4 the founder of the principality of Khandesh, was son of Khan Jahan Faruqi, whose forbears were among the respectable nobles of Ala-ud-din Khalji and Muhammad Tughluq and who had himself held high office under the latter monarch.5 The distintive epithet applied to his dynasty is derived from his claim to descent from Khalifah Umer Faruq.6 Being excessively addicted to the chase, and having caught the attention of some of the courtiers on a hunting party, Malik Raja was admitted into the Gholam Khas or the bodyguard of Firuz Tughluq. On one occasion, he attracted the notice of the Sultan by supplying him with food at the time of dire need.7 As a reward for the timely help, the grateful monarch conferred on Malik Raja the districts of Thalner and Karanda (Kuronde) and raised him to the command of 2,000 horse in the year 1370.
1. Tabaqat-i-Akbari. Tr. by B. De, Vol, III, p. 468; Firishta, Vol. I, p. 282.
2. Cambridge History of India, Vol. Ill, p. 351; Betul District Gazetteer, pp. 30-34.
3. Hiralal, Madhya Pradesh ka Iti'has, p. 73.
4. Abdullah Muhammad, author, of the Zafar-al - Walih, stayled the first ruler of Khandesh as Raja Ahmad. E. Denison Ross also calls him Raja Ahmad or Malik Ahmad; The Cambridge History of India, Vol. Ill, p. 294.
5. Firishta, Tr. by Briggs, Vol. IV, p. 280. But as the title of Khan Jahan is not to be found in the lists of the amirs of Ala-ud-din and Muhammad Bin Tughluq given by Berani, W. Haig is with Abudullah Muhammad in his opinion that Raja Ahmad was the son of Khawaja Jahan, minister of the founder of the Bahmani dynasty of the Deccan. For details sec Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL VII, pp, 113-14.
6. Firishta, op. cit., p. 284.
7. Firuz, during his disastrous retreat from Sind to Gujarat, while hunting wandered far from his camp and was resting, weary and hungry, under a tree when he saw a solitary sportsman with a few hounds. He asked him if anything could be procured to eat. He replied that he carried some game and if the Emperor be pleased, he would instantly strike a light and dress it. Upon learning that Malik Raja was son of Khan Jahan, the Emperor, who was well acquainted with Khan Jahan, decided to promote him. (Firishta, op. cit.; p. 281.)
[p.51]: Soon, Malik Raja marched against the neighbouring principality of Baglana, then ruled by the Rathor Chief Baharji, and compelled that ruler to acknowledge the suzerainty of Firuz. This victory enabled Malik Raja to send fifteen elephants, a quantity of pearls and jewels, several camel loads of muslins and other manufacturers of Khandesh to the Sultan. This service was rewarded by promotion to the command of 3,000 horse and government of the whole province of Khandesh with the title of Sipah Salar (Commander-in-Chief). In a few years Malik Raja was able to muster a force of 12,000 horse and, in order to augment his revenue, he levied contributions from the Chiefs of Gondwana as far as Garha-Mandla.1
Asirgarh ruled by Asa Aheer
[p.51]:Asirgarh was at that time ruled by a herdsman, known as Asa Aheer. He was, we are told, one of the principal land-holders of the country and was in possession of much agricultural wealth.2 Shortly before the assumption of power by Malik Raja, it is stated, that there was a severe famine in Khandesh and Gondwana, except in Asir region which was in a prosperous condition. Asa, the king of Asirgarh, had at that time many store houses, both in Khandesh and Gondwana, which his agents opened in order to sell the food-grains. At the instance of his charitable wife he distributed food to the poor, the aged and the decrepit without payment. With a view to giving relief to the starving people, Asa was induced to have the old walls of Asir town levelled, and to cause a fort to be built in masonry, thereby giving employment to a large number of people.3 When Malik Raja assumed authority over Khandesh, Asa, being peace loving and unambitious man, was the first of all the land-holders to acknowledge fealty to him and helped him in innumerable ways. Malik Raja was convinced that possession of fort of Asir, in the centre of Khandesh, was of utmost importance but he felt himself under too many obligations to Asa to wrest it by force out of his hands.
Towards the end of the reign of Firuz, when the authority of Delhi grew ever feebler, Malik Raja anticipated his neighbours in Gujarat and Malwa and, in 1382, ceased to remit tribute and began to conduct himself as an independent prince. After the death of Firuz in 1398, Malik Raja declared his complete independence of the Delhi Sultanate.4 He also strengthened his position by a marriage between his son, Malik Nasir, and the daughter of the first of the Ghori
1. Firishta, op. cit., p. 282.
2. Firishta gives an interesting account of the family of the Aheer Chief of Asirgarh Asa’s ancestors, he says, had at an early period built a wall round the hill of Asir in order of protect their numerous herds of cattle from the bands of robbers, which infested the mountains. Asa, who succeeded to his father’s property, possessed 5,000 buffaloes, 5,000 cows, 20,000 sheep and 1000 breed mares. For the purposes of husbandry as well as for his own protection, he employed 2,000 retainers. The farmers both of Gondwana and Khandesh, whenever they were in distress, always found relief by applying to Asa Aheer. Briggs conjectures that Asa was, probably, one of the hereditary provincial governers of the court of Deogiri before the conquest of the Deccan by the Mahommedans.
3. Firishta, op. cit., pp. 287 88. This work went by the name of the fort of Asa Aheer, and was afterwards called Asir,
4. Delhi Sultanate, p. 169.
[p.52]: sovereigns of Malwa, Dilawar Khan. In vain, he tried to in vade Gujarat, but the tables turned against him and he had to sue for peace.1 Malik Raja became a disciple of the saint Zain-ud-din of Daulatabad and received from him the ‘garb of desire and assent’, which was so long as the dynasty lasted, carefully handed down from ruler to ruler.2 He had two sons, Malik Nasir3 and Malik Iftikhar.4 He nominated the former as his successor and, on the latter he bestowed the fort and district of Thalner. Malik Raja died on the 19th April, 1319, and was buried at Thalner.
Malik Nasir, who succeeded his father on the throne, also received many personal favours from Asa, and knew from his peaceable disposition that he never would give him an excuse to attack him. He, therefore, formulated a design and seized the hill fort of Asir by treachery. Pretending that the Rajas of Baglana, Antur and Kherla threatened him and that the forests of Thalner and Lulling offered him no safe retreat, he begged Asa to allow his family into the fort of Asir, Asa willingly consented and made necessary arrangements in the fort. But Malik Nasir employed treachery, which has been described by Firishta in the following words.—
- “On the first day several dolies with women came into the place, and were visited by Asa’s wife and daughter. On the second day a report arrived that two hundred dolies, filled with the wife, mother and the rest of Malik Nuseer’s family were coming. Asa accordingly ordered the gates to be thrown open to receive them, and went with all his sons a considerable way from the female apartments to meet them; but what was his astonishment, when, instead of women, he found the dolies filled with armed soldiers, who leapt out and murdered him with the whole of his family, not leaving a male child of his race. The inhabitants of the fort were so dismayed that they fled with their families from a scene of such horror. Malik Nuseer, who was at this time in the fort of Lulling, on hearing the success of his plan, repaired to Asir, and employed himself in strengthening the fortifications.” 5
Malik Nasir captured Asirgarh - Founded Burhanpur and Zainabad
[p.52]: Malik Nasir, thereafter fixed his headquarters at Asirgarh. On hearing the news of the capture of Asirgarh by Nasir Khan, Saint Zain-ud-din, the spiritual guide of his family, came from Daulatabad to congratulate him on his success. On his advice Nasir built two cities, Zainabad and Burhanpur on opposite banks of the Tapti. Zainabad was named after Zain-ud-din and Burhanpur after Sheikh Burhan-ud-din, a famous saint of Daulatabad, whose body is said to be buried
1. Ibid.
2. Bahadur, son of Raja Ali Khan, the last ruler of the Faruqi dynasty, possessed this precious relic.
3. He is mentioned Ghizni in Ayeeno-i-Akbery, Tr. by Jarret, Vol, II, p. 234 Welesley Haig says that Malik Nasir was entitled Jahangir Khari.
4. Haig mentions him as Hasan—Cambridge History of India Vol. Ill p. 296.
5. Firishta, op. cit., pp. 289-290.
[p.53]: at Burhanpur1 Zain-ud-din, Firishta states, encamped on the eastern bank of the Tapti, while Nasir with his family occupied the western bank of the river. When the latter tried to persuade the former to accompany him to Asirgarh, the saint refused to cross the river saying that he was not permitted to do so by his preceptor Saint Burhan-ud-din of Daulatabad. Zain-ud-din is said to have begged of Nasir Khan “to build a town on the eastern bank of the river, and call it after himself, Zainabad, and a city on the western, where he was himself encamped, to be called Boorhanpoor, in honour of the famous Sheikh Boorhan-ood-deen of Dowlutabad, and he recommended also, that he should make the latter his capital; both of which towns were accordingly built; and Boorhanpoor afterwards became the capital of the Farooky dynasty.”2
Nasir Khan did not like the partition of kingdom and was determined to undo it. He in A.D. 1417, obtained assistance from his brother-in-law, Sultan Hushang Shah of Malwa, and captured Thalner fort, held by his brother Malik Iftikhar or Hasan. The latter was imprisoned in the fort of Asirgarh3 , but he subsequently retired to Gujarat and settled there.4
After capturing (he fort of Thalner, the armies of Malwa and Khandesh, invaded Gujarat where Sultan Ahmad was ruling. Sultan Ahmad marched with a huge army towards Khandesh and sent a detachment under Malik Mahud Turk in advance. The advance of this General compelled Ghazny Khan, son of Hushang, to flee to Mandu with his contingent and Nasir Khan to retire to the fort of Thalner,5 which was besieged by the Gujarat army. Nasir Khan had to purchase peace and accept suzerainty of the Sultan of Gujarat. The Sultan, in return bestowed the title of Khan on Nasir. Since then all Faruqi kings were known as Khan, from which circumstance the country they ruled came to be known as Khandesh, the country of the Khans.6 From this treaty dates estrangement between Khandesh and Malwa; for Nasir resented Ghazny’s pusillanimous desertion of him at a critical juncture.
To strengthen his position, Nasir married his daughter to Ala-ud-din, the son of Ahmad Shah Bahmani. The alliance provided Nasir with a powerful ally both against Ahmad of Gujarat, by whom he was recently humiliated and against Hushang of Malwa, from whom he was estranged. The alliance was almost
1. Firishta, op. cit., pp. 290-91. The story is, however, of doubtful authenticity for Burhan-ud-din’s tomb is at Roza, near Daulatabad. It is not unlikely that Burhanud-din, who is buried at Burhanpur and after whom the city is named was a different person.
2. Forsyth, basing his statement on the manuscript of Saint Zain-ud-din gives a different version. He says it was Malik Raja, who was asked to build Burhanpur. But he could not do so owing to his pre-occupations and administrative problems. Later, Nasir Khan fulfilled the desire of his father, For details see settlement Report of Nimar 1870, p. 25.
3. Firishta, op, cit., p. 292.
4. Cambridge History of India, Vol, III, p. 297.
5. Ibid, p, 297.
6. Delhi Sultanate, p, 170.
[p.54]: immediately tested. In 1429, the combined army of the Bahmani Sultan and Nasir marched against Gujarat in support of Kanha, king of Jhalwar, but it was defeated by the Gujarat army which laid waste a part of Khandesh.1
Nasir’s relationship with the Bahmanis did not prove lasting. On hearing from his daughter of her ill treatment by his son-in-law, Ala-ud-din, Nasir suspended all friendly relations with him in 1436. Soon after, he invaded Berar which was part of the Bahmani kingdom, but was quickly dislodged, and retreating towards Burhanpur, was disastrously routed at the pass of Rohankheda, about twenty miles south of that place. He then fled to the frontier fortress of Lulling. Burhanpur was completely sacked by the Bahmani army. All the public buildings at Burhanpur were destroyed and burnt, Nasir Khan’s place too was destroyed to its foundations. In the loot there were 70 elephants and many guns, then scarce, and valuable articles.2 Nasir Khan died in A.D. 1437. He was burried in the family vault at Thalner.
1. Firishta, op, cit., pp. 293-294.
2. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLVII, p. 118; Nimar District Gazetteer, p. 28,
Note : For rest history of Khandwa see East Nimar District Gazeteer by P N Shrivastav, 1969, p.54-85